mond,1 where five gentlemen furnished bond, to the amount of ten thousand dollars, for his appearance at the next Circuit Court of the United States, to be held on May 22, 1807.

Thus ends, so far as Kentucky history is concerned, the enterprise which President Jefferson characterized as: "The most extraordinary since the days of Don Quixote. It is so extraordinary that those who know his (Burr's) understanding would not believe it, if the proofs admitted doubt. He meant to place himself on the throne of Montezuma and extend his Empire to the Alleghany. . . .”

With the final arrest of Burr, and his trial at Richmond, we are not concerned.3 His part in the history of Kentucky was finished when his last boat passed out into the Mississippi: but it was long before the effects produced by his mysterious conspiracy, his trial and acquittal, disappeared from the State.

The imputation of disloyalty, so freely made against the Kentuckians during the days of Burr's preparations, was bitterly resented. They felt with justice that no section of the country had been more often or more sorely

1 A notice dated Richmond, Va., March 27, reprinted in "Palladium" of April 23, 1807 says, "Aaron Burr, Ex Vice President of the U. States, is now in this city guarded as a state prisoner." Then follows an account, gleaned from his captors, of the details of his arrest.

2 Parton's "Burr," p. 456.

3 The ruling of John Marshall, who presided at that famous trial, gave rise to the suspicion, doubtless wholly unjust, that he was a strong Burr partisan. The accusation, however, was particularly pleasing to the friends of John Brown, whose hospitable entertainment of Burr during his frequent visits to Frankfort, had firmly linked his name with that of the great conspirator. In October, 1807, a letter was sent him from his brother Sam Brown, then in New Orleans, in which the question is gleefully asked. “... How will Mr. Humphrey Marshall and his backers shape their course now that Brother John is so directly charged with being a partisan of Burr's and yielding to all Burr's wishes in the trial. . . .” Brown MSS.

tempted to disunion, and that, in spite of all temptations, they had remained, as a people, staunchly loyal. To openly repudiate all connection or sympathy with Burr's projects, a mass meeting assembled at Lexington during the early days of January, 18071 and, after appropriate patriotic addresses, adopted a resolution which declared:

That all charges or insinuations against the people of this State, of disaffection to the union or government of the United States, are gross misapprehensions and without foundation," and it is not too much to claim that this resolution fairly represented public opinion in the Pioneer Commonwealth.

1 Account, "Palladium," January 8, 1807.

CHAPTER XI

KENTUCKY IN THE WAR OF 1812

WITH Burr's trial and acquittal in 1807, foreign plots and schemes of revolution came to an end in Kentucky; but, even as they ceased, the international complications, in which the Federal Government had long been involved, began to claim the indignant attention of the pioneer commonwealth. "The Palladium," early in July, 1807, contained this startling announcement:

"HIGHLY IMPORTANT

"Just as this paper was going to press we were informed that the U. S. frigate Chesapeake, Commodore Barron, has been fired on by the British man of war, the Leopard. The frigate, it appears, had on board three or four American Seamen who had been impressed by the British and from whom they had made their escape. The captain of the Leopard required them to be delivered up to him, which was refused. As soon as the frigate sailed (which was carrying out supplies to the Mediterranean) the Leopard followed, and off the capes of the Chesapeak Bay, attacked her, killed 7 or 8 men and wounded many others. The frigate, it appears, made no resistance, not having her guns prepared for action. After being much shattered by the unexpected attack, she consequently struck. The impressed men were taken out, and the frigate left to proceed as well as she could. We believe she has returned to port."

At once the hatred of England which, in Kentucky, had been smoldering since the days of Jay's treaty, leaped into a blaze. There were few firesides within the shadow of her forests, where tales of British wickedness had not served to beguile the long winter evenings; and the history of the series of British aggressions upon our commerce may be traced as clearly in the files of Kentucky newspapers as in the papers of the Coast States themselves. The significance of this incident, now known to history as "the affair of the Chesapeake," was, therefore, perfectly clear to the average Kentuckian. To him, as to his fellow countrymen of the East, it meant that England's contempt for the new Republic, so long manifested by studied acts of insult, had entered upon a new stage, where it was to express itself in open violence. Hitherto only merchant vessels had been subjected to the humiliation of a search by British captains; but, in the present instance, the insult had been offered to an American war ship, representing the sovereignty of a free and independent nation.

Instantly the pioneers of Kentucky repaired to the nearest centers of population, to join with their fellows in war-talk and defiant resolutions. In all the chief towns of the State, mass meetings assembled, to voice the general sense of indignation against England, and to present resolutions of a warlike character, condemning this, and all similar "acts of piracy," and pledging loyal support

to the administration.1

The administration of Thomas Jefferson, however, was not inclined, even in the face of strong provocation, to en

1 Copies of these resolutions appear, e. g., in "Palladium," July 30, Aug. 20, etc., 1807. Similar resolutions were common throughout the entire country at the time. See McMaster, III, pp. 259–267.

courage the war spirit. The President had fixed his

eyes

upon one goal, that of "seeing an end of our national debt," 1 and refused to allow himself to be diverted from it.

1

In response to the war cry from Kentucky, orders were indeed sent to the governor "to hold in readiness for immediate service 5,212 volunteers or drafts"; 2 but Kentucky waited in vain for the expected call to arms.

The war spirit, however, continued to burn brightly, as is shown by the following entry in the journal of the Kentucky House of Representatives, under date of January 6, 1808.

"We cannot repress our indignation when contemplating the acts of perfidy and murder of the British navy, and with one voice express a wish that the general government may adopt prompt and effective measures to support the insulted and degraded majesty of the American nation, and convince her lordly enemies that her rights shall not be invaded, nor her dignity insulted, with impunity.

66

"... We are willing not only to express the public sentiment, but also to pledge our honor, our blood and treasure in support of such measures as may be adopted by the general government, to secure and protect the peace, dignity, and independence of union against foreign invasion, and to chastise and bring to a state of reason our haughty and imperious foes." 3

Jefferson, however, believed that he saw a peaceful means of compelling England and France to respect our flag; and he therefore entrusted the defence of American

1 W. E. Curtis, "The True Thomas Jefferson," p. 170.

2 "Palladium," July 30, 1804. See also Governor Scott's address to the Freemen and Soldiers of Kentucky, "Palladium," November 24, 1808; Marshall, II, p. 459; Butler, p. 327; McMaster, III, p. 264.

3 The "Palladium," January 21, 1808.