CHAPTER VIII.

Nullification-The Protective System introduced-Act of 1828-Opposition in the Southern States-State Interposition proposed-Mr. Calhoun's Views-Election of General Jackson-Distribution and Protection combined-Dissolution of the Cabinet-Difficulty between Mr. Calhoun and General Jackson-Letter to Governor HamiltonConvention in South Carolina-Mr. Calhoun elected a Senator in Congress.

We now approach the most important and eventful period in the life and history of Mr. Calhoun-the period of Nullification-in which the great battle between State-rights and the Consolidation doctrines of the federal party was fought on the floor of Congress. Of the former he was the especial champion. He stood forth as the prominent advocate of the cherished principles of the old republican creed; and although, in the opinion of many, perhaps the most of his former party associates, he went beyond what they supposed the design and intention of those by whom that creed was originally formed and adopted, he defended his position with a zeal that knew no abatement, and with a resoluteness of purpose that left no room to doubt his sincerity.

In the midst of calumny and detraction he was always calm and self-possessed. Though the particular object of misrepresentation, he only claimed a hearing for his opinions, and if that were denied, he left it to time-that true touchstone of merit in men and in things-to test

their correctness and their importance. Torrents of obloquy and abuse were poured upon him without stint or favor; yet, like Galileo exclaiming in the midst of his persecutors, indignant at his renunciation of the Copernican system, “E pur si muove !"*-so he maintained, in and through all, that the truth and the right were on his side.

The Nullification controversy, as it has been termed, grew out of the system of high protective duties long contended for by the manufacturing interest and the friends of the American system, and finally established by the act of 1828. By the act of 1816, a reduction of five per cent. on woollen and cotton goods was made in 1819; and the protectionists forthwith commenced their efforts to procure a modification of the law more favorable to their interests. Their exertions were continued from year to year, till they were ultimately crowned with success, through the efforts, in great part, of Mr. Adams and Mr. Clay. The act of 1816 went beyond the true revenue limit, but so long as the policy was merely to foster and build up domestic manufactures, and while the public debt remained unpaid, Mr. Calhoun, and others who entertained similar views, were content not to insist upon a reduction of the duties to the revenue standard. The debt must be provided for, and this, it was probable, would absorb the surplus of revenue for a long time to come.

In 1824, the protectionists procured the passage of the act of that year increasing the profits of certain branches of manufactures already established, and offering great inducements for the establishment of others.

"And yet, it moves !"

Three years later-at the session of 1826-7-" the woollens' bill," designed almost exclusively for the benefit of the manufacturers, was brought before Congress. Public attention was now fully aroused to the proceedings of the manufacturers, and various interests appeared in the field, each contending for a share of the benefits to be derived from a high protective tariff. The doctrine of temporary protection, partially forgotten in 1824, was now to be entirely abandoned, and favoritism substituted for encouragement. The manufacturers of the Eastern states, the iron manufacturers in Pennsylvania and New Jersey, and the producers of wool and hemp in the Northern and Western states generally, were all earnestly enlisted in favor of a high tariff, but their interests were so often found to be conflicting, that harmony of action could not be secured.

Political considerations at length entered into the controversy. The growing popularity of General Jackson filled the friends of Mr. Adams with alarm, and when it was seen how many powerful interests at the north were arrayed in favor of a high tariff, an effort was made to secure their support in the approaching canvass, for without their assistance it was certain that the administration would not be sustained. A convention of the advocates of a protective tariff was therefore called and held at Harrisburg, in July, 1827, at which a system of high duties was fixed upon, which was satisfactory to all the manufacturing interests, but not acceptable to the agricultural friends of protection. The supporters of Mr. Adams now counted with great confidence on the election of their candidate, for, said they, "if the friends of General Jackson in the tariff states

oppose the Harrisburg plan, the electoral votes of those states will be lost to him, and his defeat must then certainly follow; and on the other hand, if they support the plan, the southern and south-western states will not vote for him unless he disavows the proceedings of his friends at the north."

But the friends of General Jackson were not so easily entrapped. They elected their speaker in the House of Representatives at the session of 1827-8, and obtained a majority on the committee on manufactures. A bill was then prepared, calculated to favor the wool and hemp growers and to satisfy the iron manufacturers, but not affording the desired protection to the manufacturers of woollen and cotton goods, though it was afterward arranged so as to be more agreeable to them. In this contest for political power, the great principles of truth and justice were disregarded and the interests of the staple states at the south completely overlooked. After a long struggle the act of 1828 was passed by the votes of nearly all the friends of a high protective system in Congress. This bill was fitly termed by one of its authors "a great error," and by a leading advocate of protection for the sake of protection, "a bill of abominations." It imposed a tariff of duties averaging nearly fifty per cent. on the imports, and considerations of revenue had very little to do with the manner in which it was formed, or with its passage.

Only three representatives from the southern states, with the exception of the whole delegation from Kentucky, who either supported the American System of Mr. Clay or were influenced by the protection given to hemp, voted for the act of 1828. Its passage Its passage elicited

a general expression of indignation in the Southern states, and most of their legislatures adopted strong resolutions condemning it in unqualified terms as being unjust, oppressive, and unconstitutional.

Mr. Calhoun was now regarded with almost filial affection and reverence by the citizens of his native state, and on his return home at the close of the session, he was visited by a number of leading and influential men, and the question was repeatedly propounded to him— what must be done? His reply was, that they must not hazard the election of General Jackson, upon whom he relied to counteract the dangerous tendencies of the times, and it was better to wait and see whether his administration would not reduce the duties to the revenue standard before the public debt was paid, or, at least, take the necessary steps to secure that reduction whenever it should be finally discharged. But if they were disappointed, then he advised that the unconstitutional laws should be resisted, and that a resort should be had to state interposition, or, in other words, nullification.

Resistance had previously been recommended, at a public meeting of the citizens of Colleton district held in June, 1828, and at other gatherings of the people similar sentiments were freely avowed. Mr. Calhoun was firmly of the opinion that nullification was the rightful remedy, but his advice of forbearance was followed by his friends. He consented, however, to give expression to his views, and at the request of a member of the legislature, prepared a paper exposing the objectionable features of the act of 1828 and the injurious effects which must result from it, and pointing out the remedy for the evil. Five thousand copies of this paper