would become the nucleus of all the discontented

portion of the party, and thus make a formidable division in its ranks should the country be forced into war. These persons, he predicted, would ultimately rally under De Witt Clinton, the nephew, whom he described as a man of distinguished talents and aspiring disposition. To avoid the danger, he suggested for nomination the name of John Langdon, of New Hampshire, of whom he spoke highly both as to talents and patriotism.

"It was Mr. Calhoun's first effort in a public capacity. The manner and matter excited great applause; and when it is recollected that these remarks preceded the declaration of war more than three years, and how events happened according to his anticipations, it affords a striking proof of that sagacity, at so early a period, for which he has since been so much distinguished. It at once gave him a stand among the most distinguished members of the Legislature. During the short period he remained a member, he originated and carried through several measures, which proved in practice to be salutary, and have become a permanent portion of the legislation of the state."

His course in the Legislature secured him an extraordinary degree of popularity and influence in the section of the state in which he resided. His constituents were especially proud of him, and many there were at that early era of his fortunes, who predicted for him a brilliant destiny; and, in truth, the promise of his life and conduct warranted these high expectations. "Give a man nerve," says an eloquent writer, "a presence, sway over language, and, above all, en

thusiasm, or the skill to stimulate it; start him in the public arena with these requisites, and ere many years, perhaps many months, have passed, you will either see him in high station, or in a fair way of rising to it."*

In none of these essentials to success was Mr. Calhoun wanting, as those who knew him will promptly bear witness. He had nerve and intrepidity, enthusiasm, the air of one born to command, and fine argumentative powers; and his words were like the verba ardentia of Cicero, captivating and convincing, melting all hearts and fairly burning into every ear that listened.

As is well known, the members of the twelfth Con-. gress were generally selected with particular reference to the apprehended war with Great Britain. The prominent stand taken by Mr. Calhoun in the Legislature had drawn public attention to him, and the Republicans of his congressional district demanded his selection as their representative. He accordingly presented himself before the people for their suffrages, and in the fall of 1810 was elected by a triumphant majority over his opponent.

* Francis' Orators of the Age.

CHAPTER III.

Enters the House of Representatives-Appointed on the Committee of Foreign Affairs-Speech on the War-His Character-Standing→ Support of Madison's Administration and the War Measures-The Restrictive System-Remarks of Mr. Calhoun-Course in regard to the Embargo-Speech on the Loan Bill.

HOWEVER true it may be that the Jay treaty was the best that could have been obtained from the British ministry at the time it was concluded, it is equally certain that it only relieved the administrations of Washington and Adams from the difficulties and embarrassments in our foreign relations against which Mr. Jefferson was scarcely able to maintain himself, and which at one time threatened to overthrow the administration of his successor. All the troublesome questions which had been so long postponed or evaded were inherited by Madison as a legacy, and further delay in their settlement was no longer possible. Happiness and prosperity smiled upon the home industry of the country; peace and contentment dwelt in all her borders; but the dark shadow thrown from the other side of the Atlantic fell upon and clouded everything that was so bright and fair..

The first session of the twelfth Congress commenced on the 4th day of November, 1811,-the two Houses

having been called together, by executive proclamation, in advance of the regular day fixed upon by law for the commencement of the session, on account of the threatening aspect of affairs. Mr. Calhoun took his seat in the House of Representatives at the opening of the session. He was still a young man, being only in his thirtieth year, but he was not entirely unknown even among the many aistinguished members of the House. His talents and the zeal and ability which he had often manifested in defending the administration, and advocating decisive measures of resistance in opposition to the grasping policy of Great Britain, induced his appointment by the then Speaker, Henry Clay, to the second place on the Committee of Foreign Affairs. The chairman of the committee was Peter B. Porter, of New York.

Mr. Calhoun's début as a speaker was made on the 19th of December, 1811, during the debate on the resolutions reported from the committee of which he was a member, in the month of November previous, authorizing immediate and active preparations for war. Able speeches in behalf of the resolutions had already been delivered by Mr. Porter and Mr. Grundy, and it devolved on Mr. Calhoun to reply to the tirade of abuse and invective which the eloquent and versatile John Randolph had poured out on the policy shadowed forth in the resolutions. Mr. Calhoun had before submitted a few remarks on the Apportionment Bill, but had not attempted anything like a set speech. A report of his speech on the resolutions of the committee has been preserved, and it will amply testify how well he maintained the reputation which had preceded him, and ren

dered justice to himself and to the people whom he represented.

SPEECH ON THE WAR RESOLUTIONS.

MR. SPEAKER-I understood the opinion of the Committee on Foreign Relations differently from what the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Randolph) has stated to be his impression. I certainly understood that the committee recommended the measures now before the house as a preparation for war; and such, in fact, was its express resolve, agreed to, I believe, by every member except that gentleman. I do not attribute any wilful misstatement to him, but consider it the effect of inadvertency or mistake. Indeed, the report could mean nothing but war or empty menace. I hope no member is in favor of the latter. A bullying, menacing system has everything to condemn and nothing to recommend it-in expense it almost rivals war. It excites contempt abroad and destroys confidence at home. Menaces are serious things, which ought to be resorted to with as much caution and seriousness as war itself, and should, if not successful, be invariably followed by war. It was not the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Grundy) that made this a war question. The resolve contemplates an additional regular force; a measure confessedly improper but as a preparation for war, but undoubtedly necessary in that event. Sir, I am not insensible to the weighty importance of this question, for the first time submitted to this house, to compel a redress of our long list of complaints against one of the belligerents. According to my mode of thinking, the more serious the question, my convictions to support it must be the stronger and more unalterable. War, in our country, ought never to be resorted to but when it is clearly justifiable and necessary; so much so as not to require the aid of logic to convince our understanding, nor the ardor of eloquence to inflame our passions. There are many reasons why this country should never resort to it but for causes the most urgent and necessary. It is sufficient that, under a government like ours, none but such will justify it in the eyes of the people; and were I not satisfied that such is the present case, I certainly would be no advocate of the proposition now before the house.

Sir, I might prove the war, should it follow, to be justifiable, by the express admission of the gentleman from Virginia; and necessary, by facts undoubted and universally admitted, such as he did not attempt