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rulers. Her statesmen have said that they wished peace, and were ready to discuss its terms whenever their opponents were willing to sit down at the conference table with them. Her present Chancellor has said—in indefinite and uncertain terms, indeed, and in phrases that often seem to deny their own meaning, but with as much plainness as he thought prudent—that he believed that peace should be based upon the principles which we had declared would be our own in the final settlement. At Brest-Litovsk her civilian delegates spoke in similar terms; professed their desire to conclude a fair peace and accord to the peoples with whose fortunes they were dealing the right to choose their own allegiances. But action accompanied and followed the profession. Their military masters, the men who act for Germany and exhibit her purpose in execution, proclaimed a very different conclusion. We can not mistake what they have done—In Russia, in Finland, in the Ukraine, in Rumania. The real test of their justice and fair play has come. From this we may judge the rest. They are enjoying in Russia a cheap triumph in which no brave or gallant nation can long take pride. A great people, helpless by their own act, lies for the time at their mercy. Their fair professions are forgotten. They nowhere set up justice, but everywhere impose their power and exploit everything for their own use and aggrandizement; and the peoples of conquered provinces are invited to be free under their dominion!

Are we not justified in believing that they would do the same things at their western front if they were not there face to face with armies whom even their countless divisions can not overcome? If, when they have felt their check to be final, they should propose favourable and equitable terms with regard to Belgium and France and Italy, could they blame us if we concluded that they did so only to assure themselves of a free hand in Russia and the East?

Their purpose is undoubtedly to make all the Slavic peoples, all the free and ambitious nations of the Baltic peninsula, all the lands that Turkey has dominated and misruled, subject to their will and ambition and build upon that dominion an empire of force upon which they fancy that they can then erect an empire of gain and commercial supremacy—an empire as hostile to the Americas as to the Europe which it will overawe—an empire which will ultimately master Persia, India, and the peoples of the Far East. In such a program our ideals, the ideals of justice and humanity and liberty, the principle of the free self-determination of nations upon which all the modern world insists, can play no part. They are rejected for the ideals of power, for the principle that the strong must rule the weak, that trade must follow the flag, whether those to whom it is taken welcome it or not, that the peoples of the world are to be made subject to the patronage and overlordship of those who have the power to enforce it.

That program once carried out, America and all who care or dare to stand with her must arm and prepare themselves to contest the mastery of the World, a mastery in which the rights of common men, the rights of women and of all who are weak, must for the time being be trodden under foot and disregarded, and the old, age-long struggle for freedom and right begin again at its beginning. Everything that America has lived for and loved and grown great to vindicate and bring to a glorious realization will have fallen in utter ruin and the gates of mercy once more pitilessly shut upon mankind!

The thing is preposterous and impossible; and yet is not that what the whole course and action of the German armies has meant wherever they have moved? I do not wish, even in this moment of utter disillusionment, to judge harshly or unrighteously. I judge only what the German arms have accomplished with unpitying thoroughness throughout every fair region they have touched.

What, then, are we to do? For myself, I am ready, ready still, ready even now, to discuss a fair and just and honest peace at any time that it is sincerely purposed—a peace in which the strong and the weak shall fare alike. But the answer, when I proposed such a peace, came from the German commanders in Russia, and I cannot mistake the meaning of the answer.

I accept the challenge. I know that you accept it. All the world shall know that you accept it. It shall appear in the utter sacrifice and self-forgetfulness with which we shall give all that we love and all that we have to redeem the world and make it fit for free men like ourselves to live in. This now is the meaning of all that we do. Let everything that we say, my fellow countrymen, everything that we henceforth plan and accomplish, ring true to this response till the majesty and might of our concerted power shall fill the thought and utterly defeat the force of those who flout and misprize what we honour and hold dear. Germany has once more said that force, and force alone, shall decide whether Justice and peace shall reign in the affairs of men, whether Right as America conceives it or Dominion as she conceives it shall determine the destinies of mankind. There is, therefore, but one response possible from us: Force, Force to the utmost, Force without stint or limit, the righteous and triumphant Force which shall make Right the law of the world, and cast every selfish dominion down in the dust.


Acceptance speech (renomination),

Agricultural credits (See Farm

Agriculture, Department of: Its
importance to the world, 103

Agriculture, Future development of,

Alaska: Railways and development
planned, 45

Alaska: Territorial government
urged, 45

Alsace-Lorraine wrong of 1871
should be righted, 469

America first, 109, 175

America, Spirit of, 115, 122, 127,
211, 291

America, Without hampering ambi-
tions as world power. 111, 134,
168, 199, 313

American Electric Railway Associa-
tion, Address before, 97

American Federation of Labor, Ad-
dress before, 434

American system of government,
Balance of, 324; a lawyer's gov-
ernment, 324

Americans, Disloyal ("hyphenated"),
110, 132, 150, 293, 310

Americans, foreign born. Addresses
to, 114. 290

Americans, Undivided allegiance of,
110. 115. 125, 132

Anti-trust legislation (See Sherman
Anti-trust Law and Trusts and

Arbitration, Failure of, in railroad
eight-hour demand, 296

Arbitration law. Suggested changes
in, 301; recommendations re-
newed, 339

Arbitration treaties; Ratification
urged, 38

Army (See Defense, National)

Associated Press, Address before
members of, 108

Austria-Hungary; Diplomatic rela-
tions interrupted, but peace main-
tained, 381

Austria-Hungary, Diplomatic corre-
spondence with (See War)

Austria-Hungary must be delivered
from Prussian domination, 447

Austria-Hungary must continue to
have access to sea, 450

Austria-Hungary: People must be
accorded free opportunity for au-
tonomous development, 469

Austria-Hungary, War against, ad-
vised, 451

Austro-Hungarian Empire not to be
rearranged by United States, 447

Aviation (See Defense, National)


Bagdad Railway, 437

Balkan States controlled by Ger-
many, 437, 447

Banking: Restrictions upon national
banks in international trade, 279,

Banking legislation (See Currency,
also Federal Reserve Bank Sys-

Belgium must be evacuated and re-
stored, 469

Benedict, Pope, Peace proposal of,
and reply, 421

Brazil, Messages to, on ita entry
into war, 432

Not to be penalized because big

and strong, 102
Past the era of suspicion and into

era of confidence, 100
Relation of Government to, 103
Some needs of, 12
Spirit of American business to-
ward regulation, 93, 97
(See also Trusts, Trade Com-
mission, Corporations, Direc-
tors, Sherman Anti-Trust Law)

Central America (See Latin-Amer-
Children, Co-operation of, in Red

Cross work proposed, 427
"Citizenry trained and accustomed

to arms," 78
Citizenship address at Philadelphia,

114; at Washington, 290

Internationa] exclusive economic

leagues condemned, 424
Limitations imposed by banking

restrictions, 279, 289, 329
New fields of foreign commerce,

69, 106, 279, 328
Proposal to remove restrictions on
combinations of exporters, 316,
333, 341, 452
Commerce, Bureau of Foreign and
Domestic, Usefulness of, 104, 316,

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Confederate Veterans, Addresses be-
fore, 14, 408
Congress: House should prepare ap-
propriation bills through single

committee, 453
Congress: Members and problems

of early days, 27, 31
Congress, Messages to

First Annual, 37

Second Annual, 67

Third Annual, 133

Fourth Annual* 237

Fifth Annual, 443

Currency revision, 10

German submarine controversy,
262, 358, 363, 372

Merchant ships, Arming of, 363

Mexico, 18, 59

Panama Canal tolls, 57

Railroad administration, 455

Railroad strike threat, 294-

Revenue, 64

Tariff. 5

Trusts and Monopolies, 47

War with Germany, 372

War aims and peace terms of the
United States, 464
Congress, Record of, during first

Wilson administration, 304
Congress, Sixty-fifth (war session),

commended, 429
Congress Hall, Philadelphia, Ad-
dress at rededication of, 27
Conservation legislation, 70, 86

Limitations proposed on voting
rights of controlling stockhold-
ers, 54

Responsibility of individual offi-
cers and directors, 53

Responsibility to the public, 101
Counsel and judgment of various

kinds, 284
Cuba, Honor in our withdrawal

from, 199
Currency legislation urged upon Con-
gress, 10, 39; benefits of new law,



Daughters of American Revolu-
tion, Address to, 122
Defense, National

Army expansion for war recom-
mended upon basis of universal
service, 376
Army insufficient for routine work

of peace, 186, 194, 204
Army: Selective Draft Act, 395
Army: Selective Draft, men. Mes-
sage to, 424
Aviation Development in Navy,

Coast defenses. Efficiency of, 179;

Lack of, 169
Industrial mobilization and ex-
pert citizen advice, 152, 206
Military training (universal, vol-
untary) recommended, 78, 129,

140, 186
Military training, advantages of,

161, 164, 178, 192, 213
Military training combined with

vocational, 160, 164
National Defense first discussed

in message, 76
National Guard commended and

changes suggested, 130, 161,

171, 187
Navy enlargement urged, 130,

140, 180
Navy: Fourth in quantity, second

to none in quality, 170, 180,

Navy: Progress of enlargement

plans, 184
Navy that ranks first in the

world, 205
Navy: Vast coast guarding task,

Navy: What kind of ships shall

we build? 79
Preparedness not a money-making

agitation, 179
Preparedness program outlined,

126; urged upon Congress,

Preparedness, Recognition of

pressing nature of, 158, 167,

Sanitary lesson of Spanish War,

Universal military service recom-
mended, 376
Democratic party, Praise of, 82,

Diplomatic notes to belligerent gov-
ernments, 215-270
Directors, Individual responsibility

of. 53
Directors: Interlocking boards con-
demned, 50


Economic boycott against Germany,
after the war, a possibility, 448

Economy in Government expendi-
tures urged, 4

Education, Vocational and indus-
trial, legislation recommended,

Eight-hour law urged for railway
operators, 294

Elections, Legislation recommended
to regulate expenditure of money
in. 341

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