with notable success, wounded many of their assailants, some of whom died in No Man's Land, and took several prisoners. This was a violent and hard-fought engagement, although, of course, on a comparatively small scale. The German raid was a failure. The French Premier, M. Clemenceau, in person decorated and praised several American officers and privates for courage shown in this fight.

The anxiety and interest of Americans on this side quickens day by day as our soldiers' activity increases. It is natural, then, that fuller accounts are urgently desired. The Government is allowing specific statements as to engagements, the names of officers and men killed; but it is carrying on an annoying censorship in matters which could not embarrass military effort. If this is regarded as a civilian view, it may be pointed out that the Chief of Staff of the United States Army, as reported in the papers, himself uses the phrase “muzzling censorship." Major-General Peyton C. March, the new Chief of Staff, who recently arrived from France, explained what he meant by the phrase when he said, as reported, "American officers in France could not understand why the censorship lid had been clamped on so tight." He added that the people at home were entitled to know what happened, and that one of the first things he intended to do after reporting at Washington was to advocate a change in the censorship, making it less rigorous.

THE NEW MACHINE GUN

It is encouraging and hopeful to learn from Washington reports that at the end of last month satisfactory and promising results were obtained at a test before experts of the new Browning machine gun and machine rifle. The reports state that army officers were enthusiastic and that some declared that the Browning was superior to any existing weapon of its kind for the uses to which American soldiers will put it. The small number of parts and the ease of assembling the machine gun, together with its Comparatively light weight, are the points upon which stress is laid. The machine rifle needs no water-cooling system, it can be carried almost as readily as an ordinary rifle, and is said to be hardly distinguishable from the rifle at a distance. It will fire twenty rounds without reloading and with only one pull of the trigger.

There seems to have been a basic misconception of the criticism of the War Department as regards machine guns. For instance, one writer on scientific topics, whose opinion is of real value, writes to The Outlook at length to prove that the Browning machine gun is as good as, or better than, the Lewis gun. He seems to think that the contrary was asserted by The Outlook and in Dr. Odell's article on the subject. No such assertion has been made. The criticism on General Crozier and the War Department was not on a point of gun-making, but one of policy. In a word, it was that the Department should not have stood still while the Browning gun, untested in war, was being manufactured and tested. There was at least a possibility that the test would fail. It was perfectly practical and easy in the meantime to purchase other forms of machine gun which had been tested and used in immense numbers in actual warfare. The Navy did this without a moment's delay; the Army delayed until forced into inadequate purchases by public opinion and the example of the Navy. In short, there were two policies possible. One was to wait until the perfect gun was designed, turned out in a factory, standardized, made interchangeable, and then produced in quantity. The other policy was to devise and design and turn out better and better all the time; but meanwhile to use the best motors and best guns available.

FOR THE WORLD'S LIBERTY

The spirited art poster by Mr. Howard Chandler Christy which we have the pleasure of presenting to our readers on another page admirably catches the feeling and enthusiasm which should and will inspire the Third Liberty Loan campaign. America has so far responded, not merely generously but with overflowing measure, to the demands made upon her for men, for money, and for relief. There is no more doubt that

she will now again pour forth her treasure to win the war than there is that the sun will rise.

The exact details of the new loan are not finally fixed. To some extent they depend upon Congressional legislation. It is planned, however, if possible, to open the campaign upon April 6 -a most fitting date, for it is that of the entrance of the United States into the war against. German greed and tyranny.

As has been pointed out repeatedly, the Liberty Loan bonds are sound and safe investments for the future, and will increase in value after we win the war, if not before. Their purchase, however, emphatically represents patriotism and the will to help the Government. Every dollar so invested which might otherwise be used for folly or extravagance or speculation stands for a blow against world autocracy and for the triumph of liberty and international law and order.

We must both lend and give in this war. The first we do through Liberty Loans and War Stamps; for the second, there is always recurring need. If. the total given for the relief of wounded soldiers or to clothe and feed the helpless war victims abroad or to restore devastated homes and villages were to be put into one sum, its aggregate would be amazing. The Young Men's Christian Association, the Red Cross, the Knights of Columbus, and numerous other relief agencies must continue to expend money like water to carry on their humane work. When one reads that the American Red Cross proposes at the beginning of May to institute its second campaign for a hundred million dollars, one gasps at first at the knowledge that the hundred million dollars raised last summer has already nearly been expended and must be replaced; but one also feels confident that the twenty-two million members of the Red Cross and their friends and neighbors will make their gifts equal to the need, and that this second intensive drive will be carried as easily as was the first. And any one who will study for half an hour the wonderfully graphic account of the work done up to November 1 last, as told in the pamphlet report then issued by the American Red Cross, will have no doubt left as to the extent, variety, and value of the efforts of the American Red Cross.

There were answering shouts of "Put them out" and "Where's your fair play?" but the disturbers kept up the noise. They sang "Over There," " Rule, Britannia," and "The Maple Leaf Forever." The chairman tried to restore order, but was met with shouts :

"Put Bryan off the platform and we'll be quiet." "Put him out and we'll go out too."

Then a wounded veteran, Major Nasmith, appealed to the disturbers.

"Boys," he said, “our men are fighting for liberty and freedom in Europe. Let us have it here."

But many of the men who were making the disturbance had themselves been in the trenches and fighting for liberty; and the sight of Mr. Bryan as he started to speak set them off again. Nothing that Mr. Bryan said could be heard twenty-five feet from the platform. The great majority in the assemblage wanted him to have a hearing, but the disturbers could not be quieted; and Mr. Bryan himself requested that no force be used by the police, for he said that he was not willing that any one should be hurt in an effort to make it possible for him to speak. So Mr. Bryan had to content himself with dictating a statement to reporters.

After he had stood his ground for an hour and departed, many expressed their regret at such an occurrence; but the feeling of the men on the street was that Bryan got what was coming to

him," and that the convention made a great mistake in putting such a speaker upon a Canadian platform just now. A Canadian correspondent writes to us:

Four years ago no more popular visitor of the United States to Canada could be found than Mr. W. J. Bryan. But it is not so now. His actions since the war began have filled Canadians with the keenest bitterness, and that feeling is not to be easily allayed. He was Secretary of State when the Lusitania was sunk and when both the honor of the United States and the cause of the Allies demanded that the United States enter the war. The subsequent disasters of the war and the entailed deaths of thousands of Allied troops and civilians are laid at his door. The fact that the United States is now in the war is in spite of his every effort; and the fact that he speaks so loyally now is credited to the fact that he has so to speak. Scores of distinguished Americans have been welcomed and listened to with the keenest interest in Toronto, but the appearance of Mr. Bryan called forth memories too fresh and wounds too severe to be easily forgotten and forgiven. Hence occurred the demonstration that is regretted by all liberty-loving people.

The memories of Americans are proverbially short, but they cannot be so short as to allow Americans to forget the association of Mr. Bryan's name since the invasion of Belgium and the Lusitania massacre with pacifists and pro-Germans, and his personal association with them in public meetings. Whatsoever a man sows that shall he also reap. In a world struggle between those who are willing to fight for liberty and those who either fight against it or will not fight at all, Mr. Bryan chose at the outset to take his stand against those who were fighting for liberty. It is not surprising that those who have fought for liberty do not find him a welcome visitor. The feelings of the majority of Canadians are most probably expressed by those disturbers, but their judgment is probably better represented by the majority in that meeting who would have suffered Mr. Bryan to speak.

THE ARCHBISHOP OF YORK

Of the eighty-nine men who have during the centuries been Archbishop of York, the Most Rev. Dr. Cosmo Gordon Lang is the first to visit this country. He is fifty-three years old. A portrait of him in his archiepiscopal robes was printed in The Outlook two weeks ago.

His father was one of the Moderators of the Presbyterian Church of Scotland. The son went to Glasgow University, thence to Oxford, where he entered Balliol, and, together with Viscount Grey and Earl Curzon, became part of that brilliant set of men who, under Dr. Jowett, added to the scholarly renown of the ancient College. Young Lang devoted himself to football and athletics as much as he did to his studies. He also became President of that famous debating society the Oxford Union, and secretary of the committee formed to promote university interest in Toynbee Hall, the London social settlement. Lang had determined on a political career as affording the best opportunity of helping his fellow-men, and to this end began to read law, meanwhile lecturing frequently in the East End of London at Toynbee Hall and Oxford House. This led to his conviction that the ministry was, after all, the place for him. He prepared for it, was ordained, and after occupying minor positions became Vicar of St. Mary's, the Oxford University church, relinquishing this congenial responsibility in two years, however, to accept the charge of a great church at Portsea, the Portsmouth suburb which contains the immense naval dockyard. This populous parish afforded full scope for any man's energy. Lang gathered a dozen curates about him and organized an elaborate and successful machinery of social service.

Right across from Portsea is the Isle of Wight, and on that island is the royal Palace of Osborne. Queen Victoria, who made him her chaplain, called Lang thither, so the story goes, and said:

"I hear excellent reports of your work at Portsea, and I find that you actually keep a staff of twelve curates. You should take to yourself a wife. I believe you would be able to do with two

curates less."

The chaplain replied;

"Ah, no, your Majesty, that would scarcely do. If I have a

curate who does not suit, I can get rid of him; but I could not do the same with a wife."

Five years of Portsea work was an appropriate preparation for the Bishopric of Stepney, one of the poorer London districts, where Lang remained seven years. Then, in 1908, he was called to archiepiscopal honors.

As he said in his sermon on Sunday of last week, York brings memories of the Roman legions. Do we recall that in 79 A. D. Agricola established a Roman station there, that the Emperor Severus died at York (211), that it was there also that the Emperor Constantius died, and that Constantine the Great, his son, was proclaimed Emperor there (306)? The see sent repre sentatives to the Church Councils of Arles (314) and Nicæa (325).

Hundreds of people in New York City who attempted to hear the Archbishop were unable to find room either in Trinity Church or even in the Cathedral of St. John, where he spoke. Dr. Lang has a well-modulated voice. He speaks in simple, unemotional language, but with great depth of feeling. Perhaps his greatest charm lies in his modest manner. In the House of Lords he is preceded only by the King, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Lord High Chancellor.

The Archbishop's message to America was also delivered at Camp Upton, where, in the auditorium of the Y. M. C. A., on Monday, March 4, he spoke with such obvious purpose of avoiding the dramatic that his words, like those of the preceding day, had all the greater directness and force. His message is the tremendous urgency of our bringing all that we can to the service of the Allies at the present moment. It is not too much to say, affirmed the Archbishop, that on the coming of American man power to Europe depend for many years the foundations

of civilization.

WHAT MR. MCADOES

Readers of Mr. Davenport's "Washington Portraits" in this issue may be interested in some account of the multitudinous duties which one of the men he portrays is called upon to perform. Most of these have been compactly recorded in some verses by Alvah Bushnell, Jr., of the Alvah Bushnell Company, of Philadelphia, to which is attached what may be called an envoi by E. B. Seymour, of the Bushnell staff. We find both the poem and the envoi in the February number of "Office Appliances," whose editor has courteously given us permission to reprint them. Mr. Bushnell's ballad is as follows: 1

POOR MISTER_McADOO! Poor Mister McAdoo!

Think of the jobs he's hitched up to!—

The Treasury, the Railroad crew,

The Income Tax and then a few.
Each week they hand him something new

To tax his time and temper too.
He has to know when loans are due,
What source to get his billions through,
What fund to pass each dollar to,
Which tax is what, and who is who;
What bonds to sell and what renew,
Which "trust" to coax and which to sue.

He stretches out each day to two
To do the things he has to do.
The job would flounder me or you—
But it's a cinch for McAdoo!

To which Mr. Seymour adds:

STILL MCADOOING
Leaving aside all jokes and fun,
I wish I'd did what McAdone.
To him I'll have to lift my lid-
I could not do what McAdid.

STOPPING THE OUTLOOK

The mysterious reactions of the human mind sometimes strike the newspaper editor very forcibly. Americans are apt to refer with amiable tolerance to the superstition and traditional ism of the Oriental. We congratulate ourselves that there is something in the American atmosphere that develops our native intelligence so that it becomes accurate and acute in making sound deductions from any given facts. We like to think that

common sense is our characteristic National quality. This faith in American common sense is sometimes sorely tried by some of the letters that come into a newspaper office. During the past winter, for example, certain readers of The Outlook have discontinued their subscriptions because it is fanatically opposed to personal liberty in the use of alcohol and because it is in the pay of corrupt and vicious liquor dealers; because it has given space to the Single Taxers to state their views and because it cannot see that the Single Tax is the sole panacea to save society from a complete smash-up; because it has advocated the rights of women in determining whether they shall assume the duties and responsibility of the ballot and because pig-headedly and manlike (this is not, in the mind of our critic, such a mixed metaphor as it may seem) we have set ourselves against granting to downtrodden woman any of her inalienable rights; because with Protestant bigotry we have subtly attacked the Roman Catholic Church on every occasion and because on every occasion we have subtly supported the Roman Catholic Church and are probably in the secret pay of the Jesuits; because British gold has influenced us to attack Germany with incredible unfairness and because our criticisms of certain failures of the War Department are due to the fact that we are at heart unpatriotic and pro-German.

Such contradictions of criticism are always to be expected in a time of deep national feeling, and by long experience we have become more or less accustomed to them, but there is such a thing as a last straw, and it has fallen with painful effect in the form of the following letter:

THE UNIVERSITY OF OKLAHOMA

to

January 24, 1918.

Gentlemen-I received your sample copies of The Outlook and your letter this morning. I have always admired The Outlook very much, but I will not aid in putting a paper before students which adds an "me Such subservience to program. senseless custom is not an assuring evidence of intelligent independence. I think the time has fully come for educators to take this stand. Very truly yours,

J. W. SCROGGS, Director. We congratulate our correspondent on having in these days of perplexity no greater burden than that involved in the redundant spelling of a word which we refrain from naming here in order to avoid committing almost in his presence the offense for which he takes us to task. We are thankful to him for not accusing us of being in the pay of a corrupt ring of type-founders whose profits must be greatly augmented by the sale to the newspapers and booksellers of the type and spaces, in nobody knows how many fonts, that are necessary to make that scandalously unnecessary me." The horror of the far-reaching statisties which might be compiled about the waste of lead, ink, paper, and labor involved in this scandal,grows as one thinks about it! Perhaps Mr. Scroggs is right. Perhaps we, who started this editorial comment so light-heartedly, are wrong. We can only repeat that the reactions of the human mind are sometimes very mysterious.

THE PACKERS

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On another page we print a letter from Messrs. Swift & Co., the well-known Chicago meat-packers, in rejoinder to the findings of the Federal Trade Commission, recently reported in these pages.

On behalf of the Commission, Mr. Francis J. Heney, of California, has been conducting the investigation of the packing industry. The packers call his efforts one-sided and sensational, and prophesy that they will be wholly discredited when the public realizes all that the packers are doing to meet the present emergency.

On the other hand. Mr. Heney charges that papers used as instrumentalities in the commission of wrong have been withheld from him,,that court orders have restrained him from taking them, and even from using those already seized by his agents. Hence, to facilitate the Government's inquiry into the packing

industry, Mr. Heney hopes for supplementary legislation to the Espionage Law; on his recommendation the Federal Trade Commission has now laid the facts, as it construes them, before Congress and has asked for action.

AN AIR MAIL SERVICE

There is to be an airplane mail service between New York and Washington. It will begin April 15, so the Post-Office Department announces.

The flying time between New York and Washington is esti mated at something less than three hours, including a stop-over to deliver mail at Philadelphia.

The landing fields and hangars will be situated probably in Potomac Park at Washington; at League Island, Philadelphia: and at Van Cortlandt Park, New York City, unless dangerous air currents make it necessary to choose the near-by Mineola field on Long Island..

The machines are to be furnished by the War Department. the service being regarded by Secretary Baker as a part of the Army aviation system.

FOR NATIONAL SERVICE

The Congress of National Service, recently held in Chicago under the auspices of the National Security League, had a definite and constructive purpose. It aimed to give impetus to an American spirit in favor of the vigorous and efficient proses cution of the war. It sought to impress upon the American pe ple the necessity of a morale which would endure sacrifice witiout murmuring and disaster without a shock. The plan of this campaign was presented by a notable group of educators. including Dr. Harry Pratt Judson, President of the University of Chicago; Dr. W. S. Currell, President of the University of South Carolina; Dr. Benjamin Ide Wheeler, President of the University of California; and many other college presidents and members of faculties. Sixteen State Boards of Public Instrue tion were also represented. These experienced educators entered most heartily into the programme of the League and promised co-operation.

Ex-President Taft delivered the keynote speech at the opening session, and his emphatic denunciation of the class of people whom he designated as "whispering traitors" elicited vociferous approval. Charles Edward Russell; Dr. Ray Lyman Wilbu President of Leland Stanford University; Governor Manning, of South Carolina; Governor Lowden, of Illinois; Governor Whitman, of New York, Mr. Walter Camp, and others, con tributed thoughtful and inspiring addresses. Mr. S. Stanwood Menken, the President of the National Security League, in his opening address emphasized the important activities of the League, and made an eloquent plea for the mental and physicd upbuilding of the Nation.

There were nearly two thousand delegates; many were women, and their interest was manifested in a session held under the chairmanship of Mrs. Thomas J. Preston, Jr. (formerly Mrs. Grover Cleveland).

The resolutions expressed in concrete form the spirit of the Congress, and were an admirable declaration of principles which the entire Nation can indorse. Three of them may be quoted here entire :

We stand for the continuance of the war until victory is attained. We condemn all efforts towards peace without victory. All discussion of such a peace weakens the power and spirit of the Nation. As Lincoln said to the pacifists of his day, We accepted this war for a worthy object, and the war will end when that object is attained. Under God we hope it will not end unti that time."

National needs require the extension of all educational efforts to secure a full understanding of the issues of the war, of the necessity for its vigorous prosecution, and of the obligation for service resting upon every man, woman, and child. We approve the campaign of patriotism through education, planned at now being pushed by the National Security League, with the immediate purpose of defeating German propaganda in the United States and of solidifying and strengthening the loyal spirit of the Nation to the winning of the war.

We reassert our conviction that without National prepared

ness for defense there is no safety. Therefore we favor the early adoption of universal military training as a permanent National policy.

One of the not least important features of the Congress was the reading of a letter from ex-Senator Root warning the delegates against the danger of attempting to negotiate a peace with Germany." Russia," he said, "having stopped fighting in favor of the kind of peace she admired, finds herself in a position where, for the present, she has nothing whatever to say about the kind of peace there shall be. We must beware of anything in the remotest degree approaching that." In Mr. Root's opinion, which all wise Americans must inevitably share, "Germany will not abandon her present position and recede to a position which will make peace negotiations possible until she has had a thorough whipping."

JAPAN TO AID HER ALLIES AGAINST GERMANY

I

"T is not as a favor to Japan that the nations fighting Germany are willing to allow Japanese forces to land in Russian territory. It is for the protection of the real Russia, for aid in the ultimate victory of the Allies, and to block German plans of aggression in Asia.

Russia to-day has no responsible government. In every selfgoverning country the men at the head of affairs must or should have a mandate from the people. Such a mandate was refused to the men who now usurp power in Russia by the Constituent Assembly, the only national representative Assembly in Russia since the Czar was deposed. Trotsky and his associates refused to accept the will of the majority of Russians as so represented; they dispersed the Constituent Assembly; since then their power has rested on the bayonets and machine guns of a disorganized soldiery, and on the support of the local bodies of their own faction-that is, on the various workmen's and soldiers' committees. Politically speaking, there is no Russia; geographically speaking, Russia is falling apart, and Germany has her grasp on the severed portions.

It is therefore of the utmost importance to the self-governing Russia of the future that an end should be put to the constantly increasing yielding of the Lenine-Trotsky faction to Germany's demands. The statement is made from Berlin that German military action in Russia has ceased because a preliminary treaty of peace has been signed by Trotsky's delegates. What was the price? The terms of the treaty have not been made public, but it is known that again Germany has added new demands to those formerly refused by Trotsky. One most significant condition is known-Germany's insistence that Turkey shall receive back the territory in the region of Erivan, Batum, and Kars gained by Russia long ago in her wars with Turkey. This means simply that Germany, in scorn of the opinion of the civilized world, indorses her unspeakable ally, and assumes part of the guilt of the atrocious Armenian slaughter in this war. By itself alone, this indicates Germany's purpose of aggression in the East. The occupation of Kiev by Germany is another indication.

If Japan enters Siberia, that will prevent the possibility of Germany (or, what is much the same, the Bolshevik faction) seizing the enormous store of war munitions piled up at Vladivostok. Much of this material came from America. It will also prevent future extension of the Greater Germany to the Pacific-perhaps the most menacing development of PanGermany. It will block the danger from the two hundred thousand German and Austrian prisoners in Siberia. It will protect China's interest in the Chinese Eastern Railway in Manchuria, which is part of the Trans-Siberian Railway. It will guard Japan's interest in the enormous stores of munitions sold by Japan, not to the Bolsheviki, but to Russia. In the broad sense, the way, and the only way, to save all the vast interests of the East as against Germany is for Japan to control the eastern end of the Siberian Railway, certainly from Harbin eastward and southward. Japan is the only anti-German country ready and able to do this. China should assist, and, as it is an ally of Japan in the war, may be brought to assist.

The whole situation now calling for action by the Allies is

the best possible illustration of what The Outlook has repeatedly pointed out as the core of the international situation in the eastern Pacific and the countries bordering it. There must be a leader there; and, just as in the Western Hemisphere the United States assumes leadership, so must Japan be allowed to assume leadership in the East. This does not mean acquisition or aggression, but protection. Japan has spoken clearly and positively as to her purposes. The interchange of diplo matic correspondence between Viscount Ishii and Secretary Lansing defined and reiterated previous agreements. We repeat Viscount Ishii's statement as to trade: "The door is always open; it has always been open; it always must remain open." We repeat his assurance that Japan voluntarily announces that Japan will herself engage not to violate the political or territorial integrity of her neighbor." What applies to China applies by implication to Russia.

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In exchange for Japan's assurances the United States, on its part, has admitted that Japan has certain special interests in the East and has a right to guard those interests, just as America guards American interests in Haiti and Nicaragua. The Siberian movement comes under the principle, if not the verbal expression, of this mutual understanding. Japan's leadership in the East may here be turned to the account of her allies in the great war. It is to be expected that the proposed entry into Russian_territory will be accompanied by a direct statement from Japan that Russia's own interests—that is, the interests of the Russian people, not of the faction in temporary power is the ruling motive. With such a motive, the entry of Japan's forces into Russia will be as truly a protective movement as that of English soldiers into Belgium for the protection of the Belgians. The Japanese Premier a few weeks ago declared before the Japanese Parliament, "Japan holds herself responsible for peace in this part of the world." Japan's present proposal is the putting of this declaration into action.

It is not certain, as we write, that America's assent to this movement has been asked. The reports are that not a mere assent but a request from England and France will be forthcoming. If for any reason the United States is not formally called upon to act, it should at least of its own volition express its approval. And even if the feeling is one of disapproval, which we do not believe, the expression ought to be made at once, and it ought to be unqualifiedly No or Yes. The answer No might, and probably would, offend Japan; but it would at least indicate resolution, and would inspire respect. The answer Yes would also indicate strength, honor, and would inspire cordiality. A hesitating, delaying, watchful, waiting policy would indicate neither strength nor cordiality, and would inspire neither respect nor friendship.

NO TIME TO THINK PEACE

When a criminal is in deadly struggle alone with a policeman, there are only two ways in which the criminal can escape. One way is to overcome the policeman by superior strength or skill; the other is to divert the policeman's attention from the struggle and thus relax his strength and skill.

For nearly four years Germany has been struggling against the powers of law and order. She has failed so far to make good her escape with her booty by superior strength or skill. And now she is attempting by intrigue, suggestion, device, and propaganda to divert the attention of her antagonists from the struggle itself, and thus to gain her ends by relaxing the strength and skill of her antagonists.

What she can gain from these tactics is plain to all the world in the sorrowful experience of Russia.

Germany's most dangerous weapon is not her Zeppelin. That is obsolete. Not her submarine. That can be overcome. Not her machine-like army. That has been repeatedly hurled back by the living armies of freemen. Her most dangerous weapon is the propaganda of peace.

While with her hands she murders and despoils, with her voice she invites to parleys.

When liberty is in peril, there is threat of lasting disaster in the very word " peace.'

Voices warning against such disaster are raised at this time