other acts of individual heroism with which the records of our Army and Navy are replete.

"T

JAPAN AND RUSSIA

THE whole heart of the people of the United States is with the people of Russia in the attempt to free themselves forever from autocratic government and become the masters of their own lives."

In this assurance from the President of the United States, sent to the Soviet Congress in Moscow on March 11, all Americans will concur. For nearly three years Russia, burdened with an autocratic, corrupt, and partly disloyal government, fought the Pan-German menace. What her armies did while England was preparing and while we remained coolly neutral places the whole world in Russia's debt. Now, after those exhausting months, Russia is torn to pieces by internal anarchy and overwhelmed by the German enemy from without. America, with her strength untapped, must, out of decent regard for her own self-respect, sympathize with Russia and do whatever is possible to aid her.

But at the present time, when the German enemy of human freedom is sweeping eastward toward the center of Russia, it is not sufficient that the whole heart of the United States be with the people of Russia; it is necessary that the American people put at the disposal of Russia and the cause of liberty their brain and their will and their arms, and that they enlist in the fight against Germany not only their own resources, but such resources as they can secure from friendly nations. We cannot stop Germany with sympathy.

And stop Germany we must if we are going to keep this world a safe place for free people to live in. Germany has been a nation besieged. Now she has broken through. Russia has given way, and there is no sign that she can ever renew the siege herself.

And from where Germany has broken through there leads a road to the goal of Germany's ambition.

Germany wants to dominate the world. To do that she knows that she must conquer her way to the East. She started to do that by building up a Pan-Germany to be formed out of the vassal or subject countries of Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, Serbia, and Turkey. That way led through Bagdad. Across that route, however, stand the British forces in Mesopotamia. Endangering that route, too, are the unconquered spirit of the Serbians and the restlessness of the peoples of Austria-Hungary. By the

greatest of Germany's good fortunes, therefore, it was at the moment when the Pan-German scheme, planned out on the line from Berlin to Bagdad, was most gravely imperiled that a new way was opened to Germany for her projected conquest of the East. The Russian dike gave way, and another route to the East was open which for alliteration's sake we may call, in contrast to the line of Berlin to Bagdad, the line of Berlin to Bokhara, or, if one likes it better, Berlin to Baluchistan.

On this route Germany will find no liberty-loving Serbians standing in her path, no British army corps. She will, on the other hand, find Mohammedans whom she will not scruple to organize and to incite against Christian populations. In place of a united Russia she finds warring provinces so torn by class strife that they are no real obstacles to her, but can be used even as instruments of her greed.

If the vision of the old Pan-Germany is fading, by a shift of fortune there has come to the Kaiser and his military and political associates the vision of a new and more splendid PanGermany rising on the ruins of Russia and extending to India and the Far East.

Any map of Europe and Asia (such an outline map as is printed below) will show how Germany's fortunes have been revived by this shift; and such a map will show that her way is opening, not merely toward the Nearer East of India, but the Farther East of the Pacific. It is reported that a Chinese official said to a German: "The way to the East lies not through Asia Minor to the head of the Persian Gulf, but along the north coast of the Black Sea, along the Azov and Caspian, through Turkestan, thence through China to Peking." And now we see that not only that route lies before Germany, but also the route along the Trans-Siberian Railway to Vladivostok. If the Russians are as non-resistant in the future as they have now seemingly become, what stands in the way of German domination over wha we have called Russia, or in the way of the plundering of the East by the Potsdam gang? What stands in the way of Germany's reaping this great reward for her perfidy, her brutality, her unspeakable crimes?

There are only two things that can stand in the way. One is the crushing, overwhelming defeat of Germany on the western front. The other is the military power of Japan, with such aid as could be derived from China and the United States.

To a crushing, overwhelming defeat of Germany on the western front all people who love liberty more than bodily comfort and even life must look forward with hope. Daily America is increasing her pressure on the Allied front. Daily the western

Allies are approaching nearer the hour of victory. But everything that tends to postpone that hour is immeasurably costly in life and happiness and human welfare. We cannot afford to neglect anything which will bring that hour of victory nearer. And it will not relax the will to such victory, but rather stiffen it, to use every means available for the thwarting of Germany's plans. And so far the record of Allied arms against Germany in the west, glorious as that record is in the history of defensive warfare, is not such as to indicate the early coming of such an overwhelming victory as is necessary to make Germany disgorge all her ill-gotten gains. And the more gains she accumulates, the severer will be the defeat required to make her disgorge. Every consideration, therefore, should impel the Allies, among whom we include the United States, to give countenance and aid to Japan against the new German menace.

Have we not yet learned, has not the lesson yet been beaten into us, that procrastination and over-caution and vacillation are godsends to the enemy?

Without delay we should make it clear to Japan that if she can undertake this task of replacing in Russia its power of resistance we shall give her enterprise our hearty support.

is

The Allies have a right to follow the German army wherever it goes and to fight the German army wherever it is found. Russia is either our ally, our enemy, or a neutral country. If she is our ally, we ought to come to her aid in whatever way practicable. If her treaty with Germany makes her our enemy (which we do not for a moment believe), we of course have the right of fighting on her territory. And if she is a neutral Power we have the same right to meet the German armies in Russia that England had to meet the German armies in Belgium.

Of the Allies Japan is the only one that can undertake this task. England and France are out of the question. China has the men, but lacks the organization and the power. We have We have the men, but we are far away from the scene of action. Japan is near and Japan has the power.

While we are expressing our sympathy to Russia in words we ought also to express it by an action which speaks louder than words, by a cordial approval of the entrance into Russia by our ally Japan for the purpose of saving the Russian people from the German menace.

We must have regard for the feelings of the Russian people, but we must have greater regard for their liberties.

If the Russian people suspect the motives or purposes of Japan, there is only one way by which we can help to allay those suspicions, and that is by showing that we trust Japan ourselves. If there is danger that Japan may have territorial ambitions in the East, that danger can be averted by our active co-operation with Japan in combating the Power which is attempting to destroy democracy throughout the world.

This country ought to be decked with flags in honor of Japan's entrance to the fighting line against Russia's and the world's most terrible enemy.

LENTEN LESSONS

IV-LOVE'S SACRIFICE

The story is told of a Frenchman who invented a new religion but could get no attention paid to it. He went to Talleyrand for advice. "My religion," he said to Talleyrand," is a great deal better than Christianity, but no one will even consider it. What would you advise me to do?" "Get yourself crucified," was the reply.

The cynic hit on the secret of the power of Christianity. That secret is not the doctrine but the practice of sacrifice. For no sacrifice is of any value to the world but self-sacrifice.

The peasant in the Hartz Mountains sometimes sees a gigantic human figure on the cloud-capped mountains. It terrifies him. It is his own image reflected from the clouds. So the ancient pagans saw their own images in the heavens and worshiped them. Fear inspired their religion and they brought sacrifices to pacify the gods they dreaded.

The ancient Hebrews used in the worship of Jehovah sacrifice as used by their neighbors in the worship of their gods, much as in the Middle Ages the Church used in the praise of God music as used by the Minnesingers in the praise of fair

maidens and chivalrous knights. But there was a vital difference between the sacrificial system of the pagans and that of the Jews. Sacrifices were required of the pagans; they were voluntary with the Jews. No punishment was ever inflicted upon a Jewish worshiper for failing or refusing to sacrifice. No condemnation was uttered against him. But bitter and frequent were the invectives of the prophets against those who brought their sacrifices to the Temple and did not accompany them with works of justice and mercy in their daily lives.

...

Throughout the Hebrew history the sacrificial system is secondary and incidental; character and conduct are primary and essential. This truth may easily be traced by the unprejudiced student from the very earliest Hebrew law on this subject, "An altar of earth thou shalt make unto me,. and if thou wilt make me an altar of stone, thou shalt not build it of hewn stone," down to an utterance of one of the latest of the prophets, "Thou desirest not sacrifice; else would I give it : : thou delightest not in burnt offering." Even the ecclesiastical law provided that sacrifice should be offered only in Jerusalem, so that with the destruction of Jerusalem the sacrificial system came to an end, and Judaism has never since employed it. The sacrificial system of the Old Testament was simply a bridge over which religion passed from paganism to Christianity.

In paganism sacrifice is offered by a terrified mortal to appease the wrath of an angry God; in Judaism, by a remorseful mortal to satisfy the law of a just God; in Christianity the sacrifice is offered not by man to God but by God to man. God commendeth his love toward us, in that, while we were yet sinners, Christ died for us." Sacrifice is not a means which man employs to win the love of God; it is the means which God employs to give life and love to man.

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There were on Calvary three crosses, and on them three victims, all suffering the same physical pains and awaiting by slow tortures the same death. One was a brigand, defiant to the last of God and man. One was a sinless Sufferer bearing in his breaking heart the sin and shame of the world which crucified him and for which he died. And one was a repentant sinner, inspired to repentance by the Sufferer at his side. There are to-day in Europe three crosses.

There are those who suffer cold and hunger and tears and wounds and death that they may impose their dominion on the civilized world. For most of them we may well pray, "Father, forgive thera, for they know not what they do."

Some are learning by their own suffering and the suffering of the comrades at their side what is the hell which the rule and religion of Odin imposes on mankind, and what is the glory of the cross-bearing followers of Jesus Christ.

Some have chosen cold and hunger and tears and wounds and death that they may give to the world the gift of liberty and justice. They are suffering not for their own sins but for the sins of the world. They have heard the call: "He laid down his life for us and we ought to lay down our lives for the brethren." The only sacrifice Christianity knows is love's sacrifice.

IS MUSIC A NON-ESSENTIAL? The other day at Carnegie Hall, in New York City, Arthur Farwell, the Director of the Music School Settlement, after he had finished leading an orchestral piece in the midst of the concert, turned about to the audience and made a brief speech in which he said:

Certain persons in high places have said that music at the present time is one of the non-essential industries. Is it nonessential when one former Music School Settlement boy, now in Paris, raises $7,000 for the Allies by his music? Is it non-essential when one organization after another, working for Americanization, for our soldiers in France, for a world new-born in the triumph of right, comes to us asking us to lend our power of music, saying that without the power of music the organization cannot make the appeal necessary for its success?

These are all practical and utilitarian applications of music, simple to perceive and impossible to deny. But I say to you "He shall offer it of his own voluntary will at the door of the tabernacle ' (Leviticus i. 3). It is true that our Revised Version gives a radically different translation: "He shall offer it at the door of the tent of meeting, that he may be accepted before the Lord." It is doubtful which of these translations is correct ; but there is no doubt that the former epitomizes the spirit of the Levitical code.

that, even with present world conditions in view, these applications are not so great as music's higher use-higher because nearer to the one universal spirit out of which all these other things come. I mean the intrinsic power of music, unattached and unapplied, as it is here to-night-the direct power of music to put life into the heart and vision into the soul of man.

Mr. Farwell's words had power and authority, not because they were spoken by him, but because they were reinforced by the evidence there presented to the eyes and ears of the audience. On another page we tell something of what the Music School Settlement is; but there at its annual concert it was plain to see what the Music School Settlement does. It does not turn out professional musicians; though by good fortune it has contributed to the world a gifted young professional violinist, Max Rosen. It does not primarily exist to enable boys and girls to learn how to support themselves by music or to give the pleasure of music to others in return for money. What it exists for is to implant into boys and girls of the rising generation and into the people of this country, so far as its influence extends, such knowledge of music, such understanding of it, that they will find through music an access to one of the real ends of life. As has been said, the philosopher tries to work out in his mind a theory of order that will explain the disorder and the trouble of the world; the religious teacher inculcates a faith in such order and harmony; while the artist creates a world of order for himself and for others. Music, therefore, is not an ornament to life, but has as serious and valid a part to play in life itself as religion or philosophy. It realizes, in a measure, that which philosophy thinks about and religion expresses in the terms of faith. So the boys and the girls of the Music School Settlement are getting something more than mere happiness. They are getting something worth living for in and of itself.

In a time of war we want to get rid of the non-essentials, the things that help to make life easier, perhaps, and pleasanter, but are not necessary. There are forms of music that are merely ornamental that can be called non-essential. But music itself is essential. If we are to treat it as a non-essential, we might treat as a non-essential life itself.

This is not mere theory. It is highly practical, and it has application to the conduct and prosecution of the war. A while ago a group of men appointed by the Commission on Training Camp Activities of the War Department made a visit to various camps. One of the members of that group was Professor Walter R. Spalding, head of the Music Department of Harvard University. He has written for the "Harvard Alumni Bulletin " some of his conclusions as a result of his trip. The object of the journey was to put these men, who all had special knowledge of music, at the disposal of the military authorities in order to make music a means of greater efficiency among the soldiers. As Professor Spalding says, the spiritual plays a large part in the life of a soldier-the fundamental part.

A clear illustration of this fact," he points out, "is shown by the phrase 'esprit de corps.' What is the best means available for generating this fire of the spirit? Music: for between the qualifications of a good soldier, i. e., the demand for precision, co-operative action, alertness, initiative, and the inherent characteristics of music, i. e., rhythm, life, unified action, fire, and imagination, there is an everlasting relationship.

"Consider the implication of the purely technical terms tempo,' rhythm,' harmony,' accent. Our Government is gradually coming to see that music should be made just as much a part of the equipment of our fighting men as weapons, uniforms, and rations.

...

"We profoundly believe that a victorious army will be a music-loving army, and in making this assertion we are standing on the bed-rock of human instinct and are supported by the century-long experience of all the great military powers of Europe."

Music, therefore, as Mr. Spalding proves, is one of the essentials not only of the civilian population, but of the army. The materialism that would cut out of life such a force in war time would not only deprive the people of one of those things that are worth living for, but would injure the military efficiency of the Nation itself. There are many great things that are coming out of this war, and perhaps not the least of these will be a new understanding in America of the place of music in life.

DAWN

The Happy Eremite had managed somehow to get out of bed at four-thirty. There was no great virtue in this. He liked the silence of the early hours; he liked the consciousness that the millions of individual centers of conflict in the world roundabout were asleep. It seemed to him that it was easier to think when the atmosphere was not surcharged with the flying thoughts and passions of countless other human beings. He enjoyed with an epicure's relish the cup of indifferent coffee which he made himself on the alcohol stove, he enjoyed tiptoeing downstairs with the cup in his hand, knowing that he was bathed and shaved and dressed, and that the hour was still some minutes short of half-past five. Except for the initial effort of flinging back the covers, getting up at four-thirty was to the Happy Eremite rank dissipation in which he indulged himself only at intervals, owing to a rebellion in his family, who protested against suffering the effects in long, logy yawns from supper time until about nine, when he got his second wind and they were ready for bed.

The Lady Eremite took pains to point out that the working hours he stole from slumber in the morning he lost in semislumber in the evening; which was arithmetically true, but left out of consideration the peculiar lure and magic of the most ordinary and familiar surroundings under circumstances varying only a little from the every-day. The dim light in the eastern windows, the cool fresh air as he opened the door, the deep silence, broken at last by a cock-crow, the sky of robin's-egg blue, with the stars slipping out of sight one by one like shy faces, and that one blazing lamp above the line of radiant orange lying along that wooded ridge

He walked slowly up the winding path to his study. On one side were the familiar woods sloping down to the glen; on the other, the fields, the lot where the potatoes had been, now cut into gulleys here and there by the spring rains. The ponds still half frozen, the great hickory with the platform where the children played in summer, the dark slope beyond, with Cy Henderson's ramshackle house and tumbledown barns, a shapeless mass in the faint light-everything had been familiar and commonplace yesterday, and in an hour or less it would all be famil iar and commonplace again. But for the moment it was magical.

He stood still, breathing deeply. He had always retained a childish eagerness, some day, somewhere, to make his way into untrodden valleys and over reinote and unexplored mountain passes; to find and salvage and search through some treasure galleon off the coast of Cuba, or suddenly to come upon some half-buried city rising in terraces on the side of some forgotten Peruvian peak. The dawn light on the familiar fields and trees and buildings now gave him a touch of that thrill which he thought only the sight of those Eldorados of his imagination would be able to evoke.

The deep orange of the east flowered slowly into dusky rose, and over it, higher and higher, like a white bee, the morning star quivered. A bird twittered in the great hickory, then another. From a distance came faintly the gurgle of running water. The world was a glory of lavender and mauve and purple and smoky gray, in silent reverence receiving the benediction of the sun.

A low March wind rose and blew cold about the Happy Eremite, but he did not stir. He watched the dawn open its petals wide, and, turning, he watched his trees, as it were, shake off the night and stand revealed once more in their naked grace. No hidden valley, no sunken galleon, no buried city, could ever hold so deep a magic.

"We are encompassed by beauty," murmured the Happy Eremite. "It is the medicine of God for aching hearts and overstrained spirits. It is the multitude of fiery chariots."

He turned to enter the little house that was his study. The copper disc was rising over the dark ridge.

"It must have been in the original scheme of things," he mused, "that man should get up at dawn; and things are muddled in the world, and there is starvation and defeat, because man sleeps late, and so misses the Lord of Hosts when he goes about distributing rations and arms."

He entered the study. The glow of the sunrise was bright on the walls and the peaked ceiling.

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Early in the morning," he whispered. "Lord, open our eyes.

P

RESIDENT SCHURMAN, of Cornell University, said in a recent address: "I believe it is no exaggeration to say that we are confronted with the danger of starvation in the next twelve months."

The basic fact of the world's food situation is that in the face of an increasing demand there is likely to be an actual decrease of production of the chief staples-grains and meat animals. The most optimistic expert looks for no more than normal crops in the world total, at best. And there is no available reserve. Instead there is an indisputable present shortage.

There is a fundamental reason for the coming shortage lack of farm labor. Other difficulties could be met, but no adequate solution has yet been offered for the labor problem. California and the whole Pacific coast to British Columbia report decreased acreage, due to lack of labor. From all the great grain belt, especially Kansas, Nebraska, and Iowa, come complaints of labor shortage. Some localities are better off than others, but the evidence is overwhelming that from the Mexican border to the far north of Canada there is not enough farm labor to meet present demands, to say nothing of increased acreage.

"It is hard," said the Vancouver "Sun," editorially, "for the people of this country to grasp the fact that there is actual danger of a world shortage of food. . . . Nevertheless that is exactly what is liable to happen unless the greatest care is taken to ward it off."

Canada is in better position than the United States to meet the crisis because of the greater availability of its enormous unused acreage, its somewhat better labor situation, its efficient coalition Government, and, above all, because of the spirit of effective co-operation that dominates, in spite of minor discords. The Dominion and the various provincial governments, the bankers and the powerful farmers' associations, such as the Grain-Growers of the Northwest, are striving to attack this huge problem in a practical way.

The most striking thing in their attitude is the widespread feeling that it is necessary to "get together," to sink all partisan divergence of opinion, leaving minor matters for later settlement. This is reflected throughout the Canadian press and in the public utterances of leading men of all shades of opinion. There is hardly a discordant note, even from Quebec, as to the chief point. All the provincial governments, as well as that of the Dominion, are not only planning but doing things to forward the movement for greater crops in spite of all difficulties. Railway control and management are being centralized and harmonized to at least as great an extent as in this country. There' is, in fact, nothing that the United States has done that Canada has not also done, and they have added and are adding many measures not yet considered here. The banking centers are extending all possible facilities to farmers for the increase of herds and flocks as well as for the planting of greater acreage. It is planned to make each province as nearly self-supporting as possible. Quebec, for instance, normally consumes about 12,000,000 bushels of wheat, but grows only about 4,000,000. The Government has set aside for distribution in Quebec 400,000 bushels of wheat for additional seeding, in the hope of enabling that province to take care of itself. And Quebec probably has nearly enough farm labor. Similar movements are on foot in the Maritime Provinces to encourage them to grow as much as possible of other foods that can be used in place of wheat and bacon. The same is true of British Columbia.

Governmental control is being applied to providing an abundance of fish, especially for Ontario, at nearly cost price, and is already partially effective. Canada has a license system, and is using all the voluntary restrictions of diet in effect here. To cite one instance of constructive effort, the Dominion Government has encouraged the formation of small farmers' co-operative associations, especially in Ontario, to handle mill feeds in car-load lots in order to raise more hogs. The farmers have responded and very many such associations have been formed. The

Dominion Government has bought one thousand tractors from the Ford Company and is selling them to farmers at cost; and the banks stand ready to give the farmer financial aid where it is needed.

The attitude of the Food Control is summed up in a recent pronouncement of the Hon. W. J. Hanna that "the time may not be far distant when the choice of the consumer will be between what's left and going without."

But the great constructive development is in the western provinces-Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta. That is the field of operations which promises to be of world-wide importance. The potential growth of this section is so vast that figures become meaningless. It is literally true that it could easily grow grain enough to feed the whole world if it were developed and manned.

Both Saskatchewan and Alberta are really farm empires. They are already equipped with a remarkable network of railways, in addition to thousands of miles of waterways. The Saskatchewan River is navigated for about eight hundred miles. The climate is not severe, and the soil is of known fertility. Without going into remote corners there are more than 20,000,000 acres of the finest wheat land ready for immediate development.

The people of these provinces are awakening to the immensity of the world's demand upon them, and are increasingly alive also to the great opportunity offered. It is here, too, that the most successful experiments in co-operation on a large scale have been carried out, and are now growing daily with amazing rapidity. The United Farmers of Alberta and the Farm Women of Alberta claim a membership of about 16,500, most of it acquired within the past two years. The United Grain Growers', Limited, and similar organizations, which began a few years ago as small local co-operative farmers' associations, now practically control the whole wheat crop of the northwest. They own or control more than three thousand grain elevators, large and small. Exact figures are not at hand, but their total handling of grain last year must have amounted to fully $300,000,000, possibly much more.

Western Canada now has 43 members in the House of Commons, as against 27 in the last Parliament, but even more significant is the fact that the organized farmers are represented.

Their programme, in general, calls for governmental constructive activity upon a scale hitherto unknown. It is the more remarkable in that it is not visionary, but obviously possibleradicalism tempered by sanity and wide practical experience. They are fortunate in having a new country to deal with and a population practically homogeneous, as the few intruded elements, like the Doukhobors, Mennonites, and Mormons, do not bulk large enough to have more than local effect.

A striking illustration is found in the proposal as to the immediate food problem made by the Hon. George Langley, of Saskatchewan, for an increased production of wheat. It is being discussed as practical, although it contemplates breaking a million acres of new land for wheat next summer, calls for the conscription of an agricultural army of twenty thousand men, Government purchase of more than three thousand tractors with the needed subsidiary equipment, and the immediate expenditure of at least $15,000,000.

Mr. Langley proposes to" conscript " his million acres of new land either from areas belonging to the Government or the Canadian Pacific Railroad, or from private owners—wherever it is handy; to buy seed, equip the tracts with gasoline or steam tractors, plows, etc., and man them with twenty thousand experienced men, of whom about one-fifth must be skilled in the use of farm machinery and able to run gasoline engines. These most important men he plans to take from the employees of the grain elevators, from implement makers' agents, and from chauffeurs of pleasure cars and others above military draft age who can drive a gasoline engine. He claims that there are over three thousand elevators, from each of which one man could be drawn without interfering with their later work. It is probable that

these provinces could get the needed labor by this method. The money must be furnished by the Government.

He also sees the need of a centralized, half-military control, with a single executive head, and even went so far as to suggest either the Hon. J. A. Calder or the Hon. C. A. Dunning as a suitable man to command this army. Incidental minor suggestions are the removal of duty on American-made machinery and elimination of middlemen's profit. Finally, he proposes that when the war is over this land be made available for soldier settlement. Legislation to put this plan or some modification of it into effect is being prepared. The Regina Post in further comment said: "No one need feel alarmed by the fact that Mr. Langley's plan calls for doing a big thing in a big way. This is a big country, and it is beginning to realize its bigness. Organized effort to augment the work of individual farmers in the most effective way is essential."

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...

That is the keynote-organized effort. And these people have proved that they can co-operate effectively.

In Alberta discussion reaches even further, comprehending not only agriculture on a colossal scale, but also development of mines, fishery, power, lumber, and even eventually manufacture. The "Morning Albertan," of Calgary, in a thoughtful consideration of the future, particularly after the war and

A day, touched his cap, and asked Α

in relation to the returning soldiers' needs, finds the solution only in a “well-organized and vigorous campaign for the devel opment of the latent resources of the province" by the prov ince itself. It finds two subdivisions-finance and organization. The first it proposes to solve by creating a state bank, for the flotation of bonds and the carrying out of "various farm loan schemes already adopted into legislation."

The "organization" would control and develop and operate all "power; lumber; raw foods, such as grain and fish; coal and other minerals, such as copper, lead, zinc, silver, iron, and asphalt." It is argued that in so doing the Government would not be "interfering with or disturbing private enterprises to such an extent as to cause disorganization," and that it would "solve the problem of employment with a minimum of waste and injustice.'

Because such an assertion could hardly be made as to the unused areas of the United States-said to be 400,000,000 acres-it by no means follows that Alberta cannot do it.

The ideal set up is that of a state "revealed as an association of all its citizens in partnership for mutual well-being." Whether it is Utopian or not experience alone can tell, but there is much in the recent history of the Canadian northwest to indicate that if such an ideal can be transmuted into reality anywhere these provinces can do it.

JACKY came up to an officer of the Naval Reserve one day, touched his cap, and asked if he might have leave to go home to see his sick baby.

"You're married?" asked the officer.

That is the spirit of the Naval Reserve.

Some two years ago a body known as the Naval Training Association was organized by certain far-sighted Naval Militiamen, retired naval officers, and others to supplement the work of the Naval Militia and provide men more or less trained for the use of the Navy when the country should get into the war which was inevitable. This organization was taken over and enlarged by the Government last winter, renamed the Naval Reserve, and now consists of several categories of men. The first of these comprises former officers and men of the Navy who enlist for service with the fleet. In the second the men enlist to serve in any capacity on naval vessels which are not of the fleet, such as submarine-chasers, transports, converted yachts, etc. The third enlist for service on auxiliaries, such as colliers, etc. The fourth consists of a coast patrol, and the men serve on submarine-chasers, scout patrol-boats, and such like, but are not to go outside of territorial waters, nor can they be made to serve outside the section in which they enlist except with their own consent. It was the hope of serving against submarines, which were thought probable visitors to our shores after the experience at Newport the previous summer with the German U-boat, that brought such numbers of college men and boys from high and private schools. These four form the main sections of the Reserve, and there are two more which are in a sense auxiliary-the hydro-airplane service and that at the Naval Prison at Portsmouth.

When it became clear in the winter of 1916 that war was certain, there was a great rush to enlist in the N. R. There was no limit to the ages at which men wanted to serve. At the original volunteer school at Columbia there was one graduate over seventy

and undergraduates under sixteen. The oldest were often the most eager to serve; the age limit is from nineteen to fiftyeight, and it is whispered that more men over the latter have prevaricated about their ages in order to get in than have boys under nineteen. Yet here, as in France and in England, the very young have wanted to be in it too. Witness the case of the boy of sixteen who forged his father's consent to his enlisting. By the time the irate parent discovered where his son had gone the boy was on a mine-sweeper in the North Sea, so the father gave a bona-fide consent this time.

Many former Naval Militia officers volunteered their services, and in the unit at Columbia University, which numbered only three hundred and fifty men and was employed in training would-be officers and warrant officers, there were four men who had served as officers on the same ship in the Spanish War, the Yankee a lieutenant, the chief engineer, the boatswain's mate, and the master-at-arms, the last no less a person than a professor of engineering at Columbia.

With all this rush of men to enlist there was nothing ready for them-no barracks, no boats, no airplanes, or almost none One group of twenty-eight men encamped on the end of a dock at Bridgeport in a deserted coal-shed, and the sentry stood guard with a broomstick. At New Haven the men raised some eight thousand dollars to equip themselves, and were better off than most of their compeers in that they secured the Yale boathouse as a barracks and drill hall, but the Government could do nothing for them. The same story was true all along the line. At Newport the men were scattered all over the town, in such lodgings as they were able to pay for. At other stations they were in all sorts of places-armories, Y. M. C. A. buildings, tents, sheds, anything. At Bayshore the aviation section, over one hundred strong, had only one plane to learn with for the first month and over, which gave each man a chance to go up once in ten days or so; therefore to keep them busy they were put to building roads, and very good roads they made. At New London they were set to making nets with which to close our harbors night-most useful work, but hardly that for which they had enlisted. Everywhere there was a shortage of boats, submarine chasers, guns, small arms; the war had caught us utterly unprepared. It was no fault of the War and Navy Departments. They had begged for these things, but Congress had seen no reason for providing them.

It was the splendid constancy of the Reserve in these trying