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Government money upon proper security to employers of labor and to other agencies for the housing of workers in industries producing goods, in the opinion of the President, necessary for the successful conduct of the war. It advocates that the President be empowered to build houses for sale or rent, buy and condemn land, and take all necessary steps for the development of communities in which workers in such industries are to live.

The National Housing Association further recommends that immediate steps be taken, without waiting for action by Congress, to do the preliminary work of research and organization necessary for the development of the large programme which it advocates.

It points out what seems to us an essential feature of this programme, namely, the need of guarding against the erection of housing accommodations of such a relatively unsatisfactory character that they cannot assure living conditions good enough to attract and hold a steady, contented, and efficient force of workers.

The development of such a governmental housing programme would largely influence industrial living conditions for many years to come, a fact which can be given proper attention without sacrificing the interests of the country in the present war. Says the National Housing Association in its recommendation to the President:

It is important, if the Government investment in enterprises of this kind is to be protected for the future, that the development should be of such a satisfactory nature as to hold occupants after the war is over. Communities developed along scientific, economic, and attractive lines would have this great advantage not only over temporary housing, but over the type of quickselling commercial developments erected by the ordinary speculative builder.

Moreover, the enormous influence which these housing developments under Government control will exert, by way of example, either for good or for bad, upon the general trend of industrial housing in the United States is a matter of great moment. To permit the stamp of apparent Government approval to be placed upon mediocre or inferior industrial housing enterprises would give the most discouraging setback to the National movement for better housing.

The situation is one which demands immediate action along the general lines laid down by the National Housing Association.

FIRST STEPS IN GOVERNMENT OPERATION

Weather seems to be combining with the war in creating and intensifying difficulties of transportation. No sooner had the East dug itself out of a heavy snowfall and begun to find relief from an almost unprecedented period of intense cold than the Middle West found itself in the grip of a blizzard that partly blockaded its cities and interfered with the movement of trains. The real difficulties encountered by the railways, however, have been produced by conditions much more profound than those of the weather; and it is with these profounder difficulties that the United States Government, under the direction of Mr. McAdoo, the Secretary of the Treasury, is contending. The real task is to make the railway systems of the country one system. What that means Mr. Theodore H. Price picturesquely states elsewhere in this issue.

To this end of unification Mr. McAdoo has created an official Board which will act as the Director-General of Railroads' cabinet. This Board consists of John Skelton Williams, Controller of the Currency, whose special task will be to deal with the financial problems of Government operation; Hale Holden, President of the Chicago, Burlington, and Quincy Railroad (the only member of the retiring Railroads' War Board to be a member in this new official Board), who will have certain special office tasks; Henry Walters, Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Atlantic Coast Line; Edwards Chambers, Vice-President of the Santa Fé Railroad and head of the transportation division of the United States Food Administration; and Walker D. Hines, Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Santa Fé and Assistant to the DirectorGeneral of Railroads. This new Board supersedes that which was organized voluntarily by the railways and which did all that was possible to be done for unifying the systems of the

country under private management. In accepting the request of its members to bring the work of this voluntary committee to a close, Mr. McAdoo expressed his "admiration of the fidelity and effectiveness" of their earnest and unselfish application to their problem.

The Director-General has ordered the carrying out of measures for ending congestion on the railways-measures which could be enforced only by the Government of the whole Nation. He has ordered repairs on rolling stock, such as cars and en gines which are now partly crippled and idle. What a private railway company might not be able to afford to do the whole Nation in this case can do without question. The Director-General has also designated this week as "freight clearance week." There are thousands of freight cars standing loaded on sidings because the goods in them have not been taken out by the persons to whom they have been consigned. In some cases the goods have been sold, and resold, and resold again several times while they have been stored in the freight cars. This, of course, reduces the capacity of the railways enormously. The DirectorGeneral of Railroads has designated this freight clearance week in order to release the needed cars.

On January 4 the President addressed Congress, asking for legislation to guarantee the stockholders and creditors of the railways" that their properties will be maintained throughout the period of Federal control in as good repair and as complete equipment as at present;" and he suggested that, as a basis, compensation be provided by the Government equivalent to the average net railway operating income of the three years ending June 30, 1917."

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Simultaneously with the President's address, there was introduced into Congress a bill putting the President's recommendations into legal form and providing for a "revolving fund" of a half a billion dollars, out of which payments for the expenses of Government operation should be made and into which income from operation should be put.

We print elsewhere a statement from Mr. Gompers, President of the American Federation of Labor, concerning organized labor's attitude toward this new Governmental undertaking.

REVISING THE TAX LAWS

The tax bills passed at the last session of Congress have come in for more criticism than perhaps any other measures passed since the war emergency began. There has been a notable lack of criticism of the size of the burden which they place on the country, but very serious criticism of the manner in which this burden has been distributed. These tax measures have also been justly criticised as bad pieces of legislation on the ground that their provisions are couched in terms difficult of interpretation and application.

Senator Smoot, of Utah, has introduced a bill to recast the income and war profits taxes passed at the last session of Congress in the direction of simplicity and the removal of part of the unfair discrimination which the present Acts undoubtedly contain. Senator Smoot's bill would levy the normal income tax at two per cent, and an additional tax graded from one per cent on net incomes in excess of $5,000 up to sixty-three per cent on the amount by which the income exceeds $2,000,000. It would levy a flat rate of eight per cent on corporation net incomes above two thousand dollars. In addition to this, Senator Smoot's bill would levy a surtax of from ten to eighty per cent upon corporation war profits. The lowest surtax is ten per cent on war profits not in excess of ten per cent of the pre-war profits of any trade or business. The highest is eighty per cent of the amount by which such war profits exceed by one hundred per cent pre-war profits.

The pre-war period designated in Senator Smoot's bill comprises the years between 1909 and 1913 inclusive. Out of these five years, the two years in which the profits of a trade or business were the greatest and the least, respectively, are first excluded. It is on the average annual profits of the three years that then remain that the pre-war profits are calculated. It is the excess of present profits over these pre-war profits on which the excess profits tax is based.

In addition to the general changes which we have described

the proposed amendment repeals the provisions of the War Revenue Act creating a zone postal system and increasing the postal rates on second-class matter. Senator Smoot apparently believes that his methods have a chance of passing both houses of Congress and going into effect before the time comes for collecting income taxes for the present year. We believe that the passage of Senator Smoot's bill in substance, as here outlined, would be an act of justice to the country and an aid to the country in its endeavor to prosecute the war to a successful conclusion.

THE FRENCH SCANDALS

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Rightly or wrongly, Joseph Caillaux has come to be regarded as the head and front of Boloism in France. "Bolo is now as expressive of German propaganda there as "Boche" is of the German in arms.

M. Caillaux is an ex-Premier. His Ministry was followed by that of Raymond Poincaré, now President of France. Caillaux is a man of indomitable ambition. He longed to return to power, and did become Minister of Finance in the Doumergue Cabinet. A policy of "standing in " with Germany characterized the latest Caillaux tenure of office. Financially the Minister was connected with banking interests which were diverting French savings to German industrial enterprises. Politically he facilitated the German entrance in the French Congo as an offset to the German withdrawal from Morocco. It was even said that he wanted to see a Franco-German union which should dominate Europe.

Thus, when the war came, Caillaux seemed out of tune with it. He seemed a man without a country. Yet he still longed for power. To gain it and be consistent he would have to be a protagonist of peace, and it was believed that he was working in this direction, towards a shameful peace, and was the secret ally of Turmel and Almereyda, above all of Bolo in the German scheme secretly to get financial control of certain wellknown patriotic papers-the "Figaro," the "Journal," the "Rappel," and others-and then little by little to inject a German propaganda alongside a proved patriotism.

The scheme was finally exposed. The Paris Court of Appeals will settle Bolo's fate. Then, in his turn, Caillaux will be tried; but, it is reported, not by a civil but by a military court.

Thus Paris and France will be treated to a second Caillaux cause célèbre. The first occurred during the early part of 1914, when Caillaux's wife was tried for having killed Gaston Calmette, editor of "Le Figaro."

JAPAN IN THE WAR

Lukewarm supporters of the Allies or neutrals sometimes, in questioning the statement that the Allies are fighting for democracy, point to the fact, as basis for their faint-heartedness or neutrality, that Japan is an Ally. "Is it indeed a war for democracy when imperial and autocratic Japan is one of the Allies?" some of them ask, just as the same argument was used in connection with the case of Russia before the fall of the Czar.

It is no secret either that the call to "make the world safe for democracy "falls flat with a good many Japanese. Is it not possible that the unresponsiveness of some Japanese and some neutrals to the appeal to support democracy is due to a misunderstanding of the meaning of that over-used word when applied to issues in the present war?

The new American Ambassador to Japan, Mr. Roland S. Morris, has already proved himself to be a diplomat and statesman of no slight stature in showing the Japanese how their national ideals and national welfare are bound up with the cause of democracy in the world. Mr. Morris has made clear, so that all Japan may understand, the difference between "international democracy," which the Allies are fighting for, and the enforced adoption of local democratic or republican institutions throughout the world, for which the Allies are not fighting at all. Speaking at a dinner of welcome given to him in Tokyo on November 30 by the America-Japan Society, composed of Japanese and Americans resident in Japan, Mr. Morris said:

While they [Japan's leaders] led Japan to her place in the council of modern nations, yet they conserved the glory of her

historic Imperial house, wherein are preserved her national ideals and her most sacred traditions.

"But this they maintained because Japan maintained her freedom of national life-that freedom which America had demanded for herself and had held out to secluded Japan. And that is the great issue which Japan and America, allies in this world war, are fighting for to-day. We are demanding for all the world what we both demanded and obtained for ourselves in the past-the right of national existence. This right of international democracy is threatened as it has never been threatened before. The Central Powers are striving to impose on the world a policy of aggression and absorption which in the end, if successful, would destroy utterly all national ideals save those of the Germanic peoples.

"International democracy does not mean the imposition of democratic institutions on all nations. For America to endeavor to impose her institutions, which are the expression of her own National spirit, on other nations would be as culpable as for the Central Powers to endeavor to Germanize the world. We are not fighting for democracy in nations, but for democracy among nations. We are demanding for every nation, great and small, the right of national self-development."

THE NEW BRITISH AMBASSADOR

It has been announced that Sir Cecil Spring-Rice, the British Ambassador to America, is to go home on leave, and that in his place a Special Ambassador and High Commissioner will be appointed. The departure of Sir Cecil from Washington will be regarded with regret, but his place will be filled by a man of high qualifications for the special duties which a British Ambassador is called upon to perform at this time. It has been officially announced that this man will be the Lord Chief Justice of England, Earl Reading. Lord Reading will have full authority over the members of all British missions sent to the United States in connection with the active prosecution of the war. It is felt at Washington that the combination of functions assigned to Lord Reading will result in a valuable co-ordination of the activities of the diplomatic, the financial, and the military agencies of Great Britain which are now in this country. The appointment of Earl Reading has been due, it is surmised, to the influence of Lord Northcliffe, who is reported by the New York "Times" as commenting as follows on the appointment:

The nation is indebted to Earl Reading for taking up the tremendous task of representing the War Cabinet, the British War Mission to the United States, the Treasury, the Ministry of Munitions, the Air Board, and, in fact, all British interests in the United States, at a time when the interdependence of the United States and the United Kingdom on each other's war efforts has assumed a scale little imagined by the public. The speed of the Anglo-American war effort has been impaired in the past by the need of one controlling head of all British affairs in the United States.

THE MOTOR CAR AN ESSENTIAL OF
MODERN TRANSPORTATION

In the past there has been a very marked tendency to regard the annual automobile exhibitions as presentations of the latest means of gratifying personal desires for luxury. So swiftly has the automobile changed from a thing of luxury to a part of the daily business life of the country that the general view of this means of transportation has lagged very much behind the accomplished fact.

When the war broke out, it was very soon suggested that the manufacture of "pleasure vehicles" should be largely curtailed. This suggestion soon brought out proof of the fact that the purely pleasure automobile represents a very small proportion of the output of our automobile factories. The average automobile is hardly more of a pleasure vehicle than the average trolley car or the average railway coach. All three are used for pleasure, but all three find their greatest usefulness in satisfying the vital needs of our highly organized society.

The modern automobile is a passenger or freight vehicle absolutely essential to the solution of our modern and complicated problems of transportation. How essential this comparatively new mode of transportation has become is indicated

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by the researches of the Engineering Experiment Station of the Iowa State College, which recently, according to the "Scientific American," made a survey of the traffic which passed a certain point on the road between Ames and Des Moines. During ten consecutive days 1,995 vehicles carrying 5,561 passengers went by the observation post. Of these vehicles 647 were classified as farm traffic, 1,227 as interurban, and only 121 as tourist. Out of every 17 vehicles which passed 16 were primarily devoted to the transportation of passengers. Of the total number of vehicles recorded, 1,752 fell in the class of motor vehicles and bicycles, while but 243 were drawn by horses. The "Scientific American" estimates that at least ninety-four per cent of all the traffic passing over the road at this point can be closely identified either with local farms or with local traffic of a utilitarian character. Such a showing as this concerning the present usefulness of automobile transportation is proof enough that the annual series of exhibitions of automobiles, the first and largest of which opened in New York City on January 5, is of true war-time value. The New York exhibition represents, this year, an event of unusual interest, for it indicates the manner in which one of our greatest industries is adapting itself to war conditions.

This year's cars show few departures from standardized practice. There was increasing refinement of detail in some instances, a notable effort towards the elimination of surplus weight, and a distinct and creditable effort to accentuate economy in operation. One of the leading automobile companies, whose cars have occupied for many years a commanding place in the automobile world, openly stated in its catalogue that it did not urge any one to buy an automobile who did not need a machine as a matter of business economy. An officer of another concern, which has been building cars for twenty-two years, remarked that he was distinctly glad that his company had planned for only a conservative output during the coming year, for he regarded the présent situation as one which called for conservatism and intelligent restriction of output.

Just as the railways have found it necessary to cut out from their schedules certain passenger trains and to consolidate others, the automobile industry will find it necessary to specialize output and to devote its major attention to the manufacture of war supplies and vehicles designed not primarily for luxury or pleasure but for utility.

There is no such fuel shortage threatened in this country as exists in Continental countries, for the United States is not largely dependent on ocean traffic for its fuel supply. For this reason American automobile manufacturers can rightfully look to a demand for their products which does not exist abroad.

THE MORGAN COLLECTION

Besides the individual objects and groups of objects-sometimes quite large given to the Metropolitan Museum of Art, in New York City, by the late John Pierpont Morgan, and the works of art given to it from his estate by his son, other parts of the Morgan collection have been left in the Museum as a loan. From the collection certain objects have been sold. The remainder, much the larger part, is, we are glad to learn, to stay in the Museum.

It consists of more than three thousand objects-pictures (on another page there is an illustration of one of the most famous canvases), sculptures, enamels, ivories, glass, pottery, antiquities, armor, jewelry, watches, clocks, snuff-boxes, and other objects of art. These are in addition to the collection of ancient glass and pottery, which is mentioned separately, as Dr. Robinson, Director of the Museum, explains, "because the forty-five hundred items it contains are mainly fragments, and might be thought to swell the number unduly."

The elder John Pierpont Morgan was probably the greatest collector of our time of manuscripts, books, and works of art. He made numerous gifts of them to public institutions in this country and Europe, but retained the bulk of his collection, from time to time sending things as loans to the Metropolitan Museum, and these were occasionally in large numbers, as, for example, his Chinese porcelains. He considered his loans as parts of his "collection," the various subdivisions being regarded by him as parts of that collection, not as separate collections.

He wanted, as he said, to make some suitable disposition of them, or of such portions of them as he might determine, which would render them permanently available for the instruction and pleasure of the American people.

Mr. Morgan died in 1913, before he could carry out his purpose. In his will he expressed the hope that his son, John Pierpont Morgan, Jr., to whom the collection would pass, should in such manner as he might think best make either a permanent disposition or from time to time permanent dispositions of such portion of it as he might determine. The son has now substantially carried out his father's intentions.

Disposing of certain pieces of bronze, tapestry, porcelain, and furniture, Mr. Morgan, Jr., has wisely reserved for the public things which the museums could not obtain. His first gift to the Metropolitan was valued by some judges at fully $3,000,000. A principal feature of this gift was Raphael's Colonna Madonna. About the same time Mr. Morgan made a great gift to the Morgan Memorial at Hartford (the elder Morgan was born at Hartford) of Greek, Roman, and Phonician enameled glass, of Greek and Roman bronzes, of objects in ivory and silver, of Italian majolica, Sèvres porcelain, and Dresden ware.

Now comes another and greater gift. Its value, according to some, reaches $7,500,000. Any estimate, however, is hard to make certainly the Museum has made none-for the collection is practically unique. Its chief significance to the Metropolitan lies in the enamels and ivories, for in these branches of art that Museum is now ahead of any in the world.

MR. BARNARD'S LINCOLN

The hue and cry concerning Mr. Barnard's statue of Lincoln, replicas of which have been proposed for London and Paris, calls forth some interesting reflections from M. André Michel. Writing in the Paris "Temps," he says:

Without having the right to express a personal opinion concerning a work which I know only through an illustration published in The Outlook of October 17, 1917, I am much inclined to defend Mr. Barnard and his work against their detractors. He has represented Lincoln standing, his hands crossed on his stomach in a familiar attitude and without any "pose." The strongly marked face seems to have been treated with singular power; the accent of individuality has been placed there in the simplest and most striking manner. No one of the statues which I remember to have seen in America-even that very distinguished one which is in Chicago on the shores of Lake Michigan, where Augustus Saint-Gaudens has shown Lincoln standing in front of the Presidential chair, .. his head bent over his breast, one hand on the lapel of his coat, and the other behind his back-has seemed to leave with me a more vivid or stronger impression of his personality.

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Lincoln would gain nothing by a conventional embellishment, by academic attitudes, by symbolic accessories, or by elegances which amount to falsehoods. Austere truth is more in place than any arrangements." Lincoln was of humble origin and was not ashamed of it. He did not dress himself according to the latest fashion and cared little about his toilet. But upon his roughly hewn face, gaunt but illuminated with inner fire, atop a great, somewhat disjointed body, there was reflected an unconquerable energy, an incorruptible conscience. . . . We shall accept at Paris, as at London, with the greatest friendship the "Abraham Lincoln" which will be offered to us.

M. Michel points out, as no one else, we believe, has done, the parallel between the storm which has descended upon Mr. Barnard and the storm which descended upon Houdon, the French sculptor who essayed to create a statue of Washington. The parallel is certainly an interesting one. But there is also a contrast; for Houdon was criticised for proposing to make a conventional statue on the classical model, while Mr. Barnard is criticised because his work is not conventional.

Interest aroused by the controversy over Mr. Barnard's statue has extended to other sculptured representations of Lincoln. On another page we print a reproduction of Mr. Andrew O'Connor's figure of Lincoln from a photograph. Mr. O'Connor is a native of Worcester, Massachusetts, and began his study of sculpture as his father's pupil when a child. As in his other work. there is dignity in this Lincoln statue, and, in particular, there is idealism in Mr. O'Connor's interpretation of Lincoln's face

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THE PRESIDENT'S ADDRESS

RITICS and admirers of the President, American and European, unite in an extraordinary way in approval and admiration of his great address to Congress on January 8. The "arrangements and covenants" (printed in full on page 90), which he has stated concisely and vividly in this address, have received the enthusiastic support of the members of Congress without regard to party, of public opinion throughout the country, and of journals and statesmen abroad. The only serious critical note is that of Senator Smoot, who thinks that Section III implies free trade. We do not agree with him. It means not free trade, but equal trade. The President is too able a politician to say that one of the aims of the war on which the whole American people are agreed is a policy on which history shows that they are nearly equally divided.

The President's address, sound in its principles and humane and democratic in its spirit, is made at an opportune moment. The unanimity of our heterogeneous population is remarkable. Nevertheless there are divisions of sentiment which his clear definitions will do something to heal. There is division of interests among our allies, and nothing is better fitted to put those interests in their proper subordinate place than a definition by a disinterested Power of the fundamental principles on which we are all united. The Russian people are animated by aspirations for liberty which they cannot define for themselves and which their self-appointed leaders are unable to define for them. Mr. Trotsky tells a New York "Times" reporter that the Germans have given up the attempt to move large bodies of men from the eastern to the western front; that at this minute behind the German front in Russia are twenty-five thousand German deserters concentrated and armed with machine guns whom the Germans are trying to reduce by starvation.

We need not take this story too seriously, but neither are we compelled to reject it as too preposterous for belief. That there is among the German people a deepening and widening discontent and distrust of their military rulers is apparent. The Germans ventured on a hazardous experiment in promoting the fraternizing of the German and the Russian soldiers. They succeeded in disorganizing the Russian army and in weakening the loyalty of the Russian soldier to the cause of a world-wide democracy. But it is not unreasonable to surmise that they also weakened the loyalty of their own soldiers to their military autocracy. There is too much akin in the simple-minded peasantry of these contiguous people, long oppressed by military burdens, to make such a fraternization safe for the autocrats. Not impossibly information of such effect in the German soldiery, not yet made public here, may have reached the President, and been a contributing cause in inspiring this address at this time.

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It is reported that there is some discussion in Washington as to whether this is a peace or a war address. It is true that a statement of our aims in the war implies our willingness, and even our desire, for peace when those aims are accomplished. Save for that implication we can see no room for the Washington interrogatory. The closing sentence of the President's Message is the conclusion of the American people and interprets their purpose. To the vindication of human liberty "they are ready to devote their lives, their honor, and everything that they possess. The moral climax of this, the culminating and final war for human liberty, has come, and they are ready to put their own strength, their own highest purpose, their own integrity and devotion, to the test. This address should inspire in our hearts new courage, in our wills a new strength of purpose, and our hands with new haste. America has done a splendid work with exemplary speed in building careful, well-ordered, and sanitary camps on its own territory and in gathering in these camps men eager for service. But nine months are past and we have not yet struck a blow. This address should intensify the growing impatience of the Nation at needless delays and the entanglements furnished by red tape and the irritating processes of "the circumlocution office," and compel those who are responsible for these delays to provide with vigor and speed the weapons of modern warfare for our men, so that the principles to which our President has given expression by his words in the council chamber may find

prompt and adequate expression by the action of our soldiers on the battlefield.

IS ALL WELL WITH OUR AIRPLANE PROGRAMME?

Only second in importance for winning the war is the need of air fleets. Ships undoubtedly come first. Airplanes and air pilots cannot be used unless they can be sent abroad; but if we are to do our duty and to save our cause we must send in great numbers both airplanes and air pilots. America and America's allies have built their hopes upon Secretary Baker's announcement of last fall that the United States would have needed, and that twenty thousand pilots would be trained by twenty thousand airplanes in France by the time they were spring to fly them.

German authorities have openly sneered at this ambitious American programme; while British and French airmen, remembering that the United States is the land of the Ford automobile, hope against hope that the announcement may prove miraculously true.

To those Americans who have felt that they must accept this promise on faith because it is not wise for the Government to publish evidence concerning its military preparations, it must be a shock to learn that the possibility of carrying out this programme is denied by authority that is unquestionably expert. In the "Atlantic Monthly" for January, in the modestly placed "Contributors' Column," there is printed a letter, or part of a letter, by Professor Joseph S. Ames, head of the Department of Physics and Director of the Physical Laboratory at Johns Hopkins University, who, Hopkins University, who, as the editors of the " Atlantic" say, was sent abroad last spring by the National Research Council, as chairman of a commission of six, to investigate the applica tion of science to war, as illustrated on the western front." In his letter Professor Ames writes as follows:

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I have just returned from a visit to the aircraft works in Buffalo, Detroit, and Dayton. This was an official visit, and so I have seen everything there is to be seen in regard to our aircraft programme. I can hardly express my feeling of depression. The Liberty motor is coming along splendidly, and it is going to be a great success. But we are not going to have any mechanics competent to repair it. It takes longer to train a mechanic than a pilot. Major Vincent, the man who designed the motor, told me that it would be over a year before we could hope to have mechanics even in small numbers. So far we have made one airplane suitable for use in Europe. The manufacturer assured me that his company could not be on a production programme until after the first of July.

We are having a large number of school planes made, but there are no engines for these. The man who was intrusted with the work has fallen down completely. Even if we were to have the school planes ready, we do not have one-tenth the requisite number of teachers, and cannot hope to get them for six months.

It is very hard to place one's finger on the man or committee responsible for this condition. As far as I could see, the evil is a fundamental one. This country and its officials are possessed with the idea that everything must be labeled "Made in America," and the difficulties into which we are now running are those which any man might have foreseen. As a matter of fact, within three days after my return from Europe in June I made this whole matter the subject of my report to the Aircraft Production Committee. No one believed me, and although I had a good solution it was refused.

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What is most disturbing about this letter is not the explicit statement regarding the lack of mechanics and of teachers for pilots, but what is implicit in the statement about the Liberty motor. Professor Ames says that "the Liberty motor is coming along splendidly, and it is going to be a great success. phrase "going to be" is the curse of this country's military policy. We need a motor that is a success to-day. The reason that we have not machine guns to-day is that our Ordnance Bureau declined to accept a gun in practical and successful use, and adopted instead a gun that has never been used but that is going to be" the best machine gun ever. What our War Department ought to have insisted upon doing, what it ought to insist upon doing now, may be briefly stated: Continue to

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