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Senator HUMPHREY. Yes, I know, that is one place where they have some evidence. However, even in that instance, I still think it was hardly the best of government on the part of the Allende regime to suppress the press. I do not believe that you have to stand by and start making Allende look like an international hero. I was one of those who hoped we could cooperate, when he was elected. Other governments become repressive when opposition comes and they start cracking down. It was wrong for us to have a covert operation there, and we have exposed it, which is more than other countries do.

I do not want us to downgrade ourselves all the time. You are bright and intellectual, showing how wrong we are. We were wrong in many things but we also need to outline those things that are right. I have not seen any other countries being very concerned about refugees around the world. You cannot get pittance, and there are countries that have billions and billions of dollars. When people are hungry and in trouble and sick they come to the United States.

I have to let you go. I will bet you are glad, too. Thank you very much.

[Whereupon, the committee recessed subject to the call of the Chair.] QUESTIONS SUBMITTED BY SENATOR PERCY AND ANSWERED BY PROFESSOR FALK 1. You have stated that many governments from the Third World which are most "progressive" on the international stage pursue contradictory policies toward their own people. Would you cite some examples of this?

2. Do you think delegates of the United States should point out these contradictions in the General Assembly?

3. What likelihood do you see that the developed and developing nations will be able to agree on programs increasing economic distribution to the poorer countries without causing serious economic dislocations in the richer countries? 4. Do you think the United States should modify its position of opposition to indexation, the price linkage between raw materials exported by the developing countries and manufactured goods imported by them from the developed countries?

5. I am puzzled, Professor Falk, by your reference in Footnote 4 in which you cite my speech on the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties as, and I quote you, "an official attack", unquote. I have reread my speech, which was given in the Second Committee on Dec. 6th, and I don't see how you could characterize it as an attack. The strongest language that I used in the speech was the following: "Many of the unagreed provisions. the view of my Government, are fundamental and unacceptable in their present form. To cite a few: the treatment of foreign investment in terms which do not take fully into account respect for agreements and international obligations; and the endorsement of concepts of producer cartels and indexation of prices. As a result. Mr. Chairman, we have before us a draft Charter which is unbalanced and which fails to achieve the purpose of encouraging harmonious economic relations and needed development. Moreover, the provisions of the Charter would discourage rather than encourage the capital flow which is vital for development." I really don't see any attack in this language, which is a straightforward explanation of the American position.

ANSWERS TO WRITTEN QUESTIONS SUBMITTED TO ME BY SENATOR CHARLES H. PERT 1. The contradictions between foreign and domestic policy is not unique with the Third World. For instance, many critics of U.S. foreign policy would argue a reverse contradiction for the United States-that is, we are relatively progressive on domestic issues, but reactionary on many international questions. When it comees to identifying Third World countries which illustrate my proposition considerable analysis would be needed to justify a specific assertion. Let me take three examples of governments which champion Third World claims for 3 new international order, and yet fail, in my judgment, to embody even minimal principles of equity in their official domestic policies: Brazil, Iran, and Saudi Arabia. There are, unfortunately, many other examples throughout the Third

World, but I chose countries which clearly had the capabilities to reconcile their domestic and international postures if they chose to do so.

2. No, it would serve only rhetorical purposes to point out these contradictions, and it would seem rather imprudent as the examples I have given are geopolitically allied with the United States in other settings. Beyond this, I do not believe, except for limited circumstances, that it is helpful to discuss domestic policy in the General Assembly. The two kinds of limited circumstances I have in mind are, first, where an overwhelming global consensus exists as to the domestic policy (e.g. apartheid in South Africa) and, second, where a gross horror is being committed (e.g. genocide in Burundi, torture of political opposition).

3. I believe that constructive cooperation between developed and developing countries can occur without dislocation in rich countries, but only if firm and enlightened national leadership emerges, especially in the United States. Programs need to be explained to the American public and adjustments made, especially by large corporate interests. I believe the well-being of the American people and the poorer nations of the world can be simultaneously served by bringing real regulatory energies to bear upon agribusiness and the large oil companies so as to avoid excess profits and to relate productive priorities more closely to human needs.

4. Yes, I believe that indexing would help stabilize the terms of trade in a manner that would defuse many of the international economic controversies now active in world affairs and avoid some of the unevenness associated with present movements of commodiay prices.

5. I agree that my reference to your UN speech as "an official attack" on the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties was unwarranted and have modified the language in my text to read "an official explanation." I hope such a change meets your concern.