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the Chinese view, was to withdraw completely from Shantung and allow the Chinese administration to resume its sway.

Besides the negative weapon of refusal to open negotiations, China continued to boycott all Japanese goods. One need only glance at the detailed statistics given by Millard's Review or the Herald of Asia to realize the full cost of the Japanese policy in China. The serious decline in the trade of the Japanese steamship companies is seen in the fall from 154 tons per trip in 1918 to an average of barely seventy-one tons per trip during the first ten months of 1919. Cotton yarn, paper, cotton cloth, umbrellas, canvas bags, matches showed a net decrease of 70 per cent.; patent medicines, looking glasses, earthenware, soap, hats and caps, fans, cotton hosiery, cotton tissues, satin, a decrease of 54 per cent.

The Japanese exhausted every means to compel the lifting of this boycott; strong pressure was brought to bear on the Peking Government to take drastic measures against all boycott agitators, but without effect; the protest of the Japanese Consul General at Tientsin to Pien Yuch-ting's election to the Presidency of the Chinese Chamber of Commerce at Tientsin, fundamentally on the ground of his favoring the boycott, is still fresh in the minds of all Chinese.

Mr. Putnam Weale, adviser to the Chinese Government, declared in January in an official memorandum to the Chinese Cabinet that the situation caused throughout China by the Shantung controversy was one of dangerous possibilities, and might lead to a revolution if the national sentiment were disregarded. Gigantic demonstrations occurred in Shanghai Feb. 15-17, at which the overwhelming sentiment against negotiations with Japan and in favor of an appeal to the League of Nations was voiced, and the release of students arrested for demonstrations in Peking was demanded. During these manifestations, participated in by thousands of people, all Chinese stores were closed.

Despite these evidences of popular feeling the Anfu, the Conservative Party

in control of China's Central Government, which favors the opening of negotiations with Japan, on Feb. 19 forced the resignation of Lu Tseng-tsiang, the Chinese Minister of Foreign Affairs, and of Cheng-lu, the Vice Foreign Minister, on the ground of their voicing the national view that such negotiations should not be opened. Ten days later (March 1) came the news that Ching-yung P'Eng, the Chinese Premier, had been forced out of office by the same party, and on the same grounds. He had been opposed by the Military Party, and especially by the Anfu, composed of proJapanese military chiefs, since November, 1919. Ching-yung P'Eng had been looked upon by Chinese leaders as a power in the development of the new Chinese Government tending to the unification of the clashing factions of the north and south. The resignation of these three high officials was expected by Chinese diplomatic officials to cause a strong reaction throughout China.

One phase of the Shantung controversy was the condemnation of the Japanese policy embodied in one of the reservations to the Peace Treaty proposed in the United States Senate. Dr. T. Iyenaga, Japanese Director of the East and West News Bureau, on Feb. 29 issued a warning that this reservation, if passed without modification by the Senate, might have an undesirable effect" ;" on Japanese-American relations.

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It became evident soon after the official refusal by the Washington Government, couched in diplomatic language, to join with Japan in the holding of Eastern Siberia against the advancing forces of the triumphant Bolsheviki that the Japanese policy determined on was one of neutrality. Japan's disinclination to stem the tide of Bolshevism alone by force of arms was made plain in many directions. The policy of favoring the Socialist Revolutionaries was admitted by Mr. Kato, the Japanese Ambassador to Siberia, who stated that this party now welcomed the Japanese troops and sought their assistance in maintaining order in the districts which it had taken over.

The debate in the Diet on Feb. 14 on universal suffrage broke up in violent

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the survey the Persian Government has the option to build the road itself by borrowing money from the syndicate or to allow the syndicate to do the building. According to the announcement of Feb. 8:

scenes. The opposition attacked the Government for opposing the measure, and the President was obliged to interfere. The police fought members of the House in the lobby, and crowds outside tried to break into the building. They were held back by the police and military. Demonstrations in the city lasted till late at night, and many attacks upon official residences occurred. These demonstrations were continued for the next two weeks, and were marked by new attacks both on houses and persons. The state of popular unrest over the suffrage question was extreme, and was the culmination of widespread dissatisfaction with the decree of two years ago which limited the franchise to those whose direct tax exceeded 3 yen (about $1.75), thus excluding the entire body of labor, farm laborers and mechanics.

The survey will be begun immediately. The line, presumably, will be of metre

In the debates on suffrage in the Diet a profound difference of opinion showed itself between the Cabinet and the Kensei-kai, the majority opposition party, and the violence of the discussion indicated the impossibility of an agreement. Premier Hara on Feb. 26, by a coup d'état introduced into the midst of a heated debate, produced an imperial decree dissolving the Diet. He had previously declared that he questioned whether the demand for universal suffrage was the voice of the people at large, but must be submitted for judgment. Extraordinary police activity outside the Parliament showed how well prepared the Government was to quell all disorders following upon this decree. PERSIA

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It was announced in Teheran, Feb. 8, but the announcement was much delayed in transmission to Europe, that the Anglo-Persian Treaty negotiated a year ago had borne fruit—a British syndicate representing the Anglo-Persian Oil ComArmstrong-Whitworth, Vickers and Weetman Pearson had secured from the Teheran Government permission to survey a railway from the present railhead of the Mesopotamian lines to Kuretu, near Kasri-i-Shrin, via Kermanshah, Hamadan and Kasvin to Teheran, with a branch line from Kasvin to Enzeli on the Caspian. On the completion of

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which the Turkish press declares neither the Nationals nor the regular troops had any hand.

Diplomats in Constantinople attach little importance to the new Cabinet still (Mar. 15) in process of construction under Sali Pasha as Grand Vizier. So far, however, the personnel is considered more favorable to the Entente than was the Government of Djemel Pasha, including as it does Djelal Bey, President of the Council of State; Zia Bey, Minister of Commerce, and Omar Houlousse Bey, Minister of Religious Funds.

The Interallied Mission had established beyond any doubt the complicity of Djemal with the Nationalist leader Mustapha Kemal in furnishing arms and aiding in the mobilization and transport. Meanwhile the Sultan was under pressure from two directions-from the Entente and from Mustapha Kemal at Angora, who attempted, but not altogether successfully, to dictate the personnel of the new Ministry; the Turkish delegation to the Peace Conference, however, was made up without his knowledge. On March 15 it was announced as follows: Tewfik Pasha, former Foreign Minister as President.

Izzet Pasha, former Minister of War. Rifaat Pasha, former Minister of Foreign Affairs.

Safa Bey, Minister of Foreign Affairs.

Nabi Bey, Alib Memali Bey, Ahmed Riza Bey and Torgut Pasha, who will act as military adviser, and General Shevken, his aid.

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On March 3 the Turkish press was much agitated over the news announced by Abdul Kador Effendi, head of the Kurdish group in the Senate, that an understanding had been reached between the Armenian the Kurds, and that on this account the Kurdish leaders had redoubled their efforts before the Peace Conference to obtain autonomy for Kurdistan. As Abdul Kador frankly advocated this autonomy he at once became the storm centre of the Nationalist press. On Feb. 21 the Central Committee of the Moslem Theological Academy handed the following note to the Allied High Commissioners:

The duty of Islam, which directs the opinion of a great proportion of mankind, proclaims to all Moslems and the

world its attitude towards Bolshevism. Whether Bolshevist principles are good or evil the fact that their application harms social life and individual property rights makes them incompatible with the principles of Islam. Since the beginning of Islam attacks on life and property, thefts, massacres, pillages and rapes have been condemned and penal sentences imposed. On the contrary, the requisite of Islam is happiness, tranquillity and general progress. It forbids taking property and lives, and ensures the rights of individuals and communities. Consequently Islam's ruling is that every individual should have the right to dispose at will of his own property during life and by will after death. It is, therefore, in the interest of Moslemism and the duty of the Khaliphate to oppose Bolshevism as dangerous to civilization, justice and right.

On Feb. 17 the first echelon of the British garrison at Batum reached Constantinople. It was announced that Batum would be occupied by Georgian troops, but it was doubted whether they would be able to maintain order, which was threatened by bands of two descriptions; local Bolshevist sympathizers and Turkish Nationalist bands. The withdrawal from Batum was obviously to increase the British garrison on the Golden Horn.

On Feb. 25 the Azerbaijan Government formally refused the British demands to surrender the Turkish-proscribed Pashas, Nury and Halil, on the ground that such action would be a violation of the laws of hospitality, and more so in view of the services rendered to Azerbaijan by Nury Pasha and his uncle, Halil.

The events which led to the proclamation of Prince, or Emir, Feisal as King of Syria and Prince Abdulla as King of Irak (The Bagdad region of Mesopotamia), the eldest and third sons of King Hussein of Hedjaz, were forecast in Constantinople as early as Feb. 14, when the local press announced that a new National Syrian Party had been formed at Damascus, with the object of placing Emir Feisal on the throne. Its political program was said to include complete independence, the union of Syrian Arabs, the promotion of learning, equal civil and political rights for everybody, the upholding of the principle of democratic monarchy by creating a Royal Parlia

mentary Government under Emir Feisal, the amelioration of social conditions by means of co-operative societies and agri

cultural societies, and the creation of an army to uphold the Emir. [For further matter on Turkey see Pages 103-116.]

Developments in Latin America

MEXICO

Outrages in Mexico against American citizens, which have been sporadic ever since General Carranza became President, have continued despite vigorous protests by the State Department. Many of these were revealed by the Senate sub-committee, which has been investigating conditions in Mexico, taking testimony in Texas at San Antonio and El Paso. Colonel George T. Langhorne, Captain W. V. D. Ochs and Captain Leonard F. Matlack, all of the Eighth Cavalry, told the Senators that often Carranza's own men took part in raids on the American side, and that neither the civil nor military authorities of Mexico aided the American forces in fighting Mexican maurauders.

Senator Fall of New Mexico, Chairman of the sub-committee, obtained its appointment after having introduced in the Senate a resolution intended to break off our diplomatic relations with Mexico

a move against which President Wilson at once protested. Luis Cabrera, Carranza's Secretary of Finance, was invited to testify, but refused, charging that Senator Fall was prejudiced against Mexico. The Mexican authorities tried to hinder the sub-committee's activities by refusing to foreigners, who left Mexico to testify, permission to return, and by threatening to consider as traitors Mexicans who appeared. It was also announced that W. O. Jenkins, former United States Consular Agent at Puebla, whose permission to act in that capacity was recently revoked, would be expelled from Mexico if found guilty by the Puebla court of aiding rebel forces in that district.

Three cases of the murder of Americans were reported to the State Department early in January, and made the basis of representations to Mexico. One was that of Gabriel Porter, an employe of the Penn-Mex Oil Company, who was shot by a Mexican Federal army officer on Dec. 21. F. J. Roney and Earl Bowles,

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tween Tampico and Tuxpam. Roney bore a resemblance to the paymaster, and the motive for the killing was alleged to be robbery. The Mexicans reported the Porter case as one of accidental shooting. Alexander Ross, a British subject, was kidnapped on Jan. 18, near Orizaba, but was rescued next day by Federal forces under Colonel Durazo. Several American Army aviators, forced to land on Mexican soil, were detained for a time, but were later released.

Wilson W. Adams, an American mine Superintendent, was captured by bandits in Zacatecas on Feb. 13 and held for

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50,000 pesos ransom. The State authorities and Federal troops searched for his captors and obtained his release after six days. Mexican bandits on Feb. 27 raided the general store of Ruby, Ariz., killed one of the owners, Alexander Fraser, and seriously wounded his brother. American troops crossed the border on the trail of the bandits, but returned after an unsuccessful search.

The boldest attack for several months was that led personally by Francisco Villa, who with a band of 150 armed men on March 4 held up a northbound Mexico City train near Corralitos, Chihuahua, robbed the passengers, set the cars afire, and carried off Joseph Williams, an American engineer, for ransom. Fifty Yaqui soldiers were aboard the train as a guard; nineteen of them were killed and nearly all the others wounded; seven escaping unhurt. The train had been derailed by an explosive on the track. Two conductors were killed, a Syrian merchant was carried off, and five Mexican passengers who attempted to escape were shot. Williams was released after being held four days by Villa, who asserted his power to enter towns in that section of the country at will.

Coincidently with the latest outrages the Mexican Foreign Office announced that an association of Mexicans and Americans had been discovered on the border banded together for the purpose of kidnapping and holding for ransom foreigners, preferably Americans. Instructions were issued to the military commanders in Chihuahua, Durango, Coahuila, Nuevo Leon and Tamaulipas to break up these bands. It is also planned to erect concrete block houses with a guard of fifty soldiers to each to protect the railroad lines.

Mexico hopes, as a result of the retirement of Secretary Lansing, to be able to import arms from the United States. It was he who tightened the already existing embargo on sending arms to Mexico by an order requiring special licenses after Jan. 1 from the State Department for all such shipments. A large consignment of arms was reported to have been received from Japan by a

merchant vessel which touched at Manzanillo on Dec. 24. The Mexicans have been adding machine-gun units to their infantry and cavalry commands, and their ammunition factories are busy, particularly one near Mexico City under the direction of the German Mexican General Maximilian M. Kloss.

Preparations are being made for the Presidential elections in July, and supporters of Carranza have won the first skirmish for position, obtaining a decisive majority of the Permanent Commission which will have full control of the electoral machinery and will install the new Congress on Sept. 1. The principal candidates for the Presidency, besides Carranza, are General Alvaro Obregon, head of the Liberal Constitutionalist Party, and Ygnacio Bonillas, former Mexican Ambassador at Washington. The latter has the support of General Candido Aguilar, son-in-law of President Carranza.

Largely figuring in the campaign will be the attitude of the candidates on the oil question, especially Article XXVII. of the new Constitution. Mexico in that document asserts the fundamental right of the people to the soil of their country and imposes land taxes which the foreign oil interests declare are confiscatory. Taxes were assessed for "potential production," and American companies protesting were not allowed to drill new wells. They appealed to the State Department for protection. In reply the Mexican Embassy stated that the capacity of the 310 oil-producing wells in Mexico was 2,000,000 barrels per day, and only 220,000 were being extracted for export and home consumption, leaving a margin of 1,780,000 barrels a day to be drawn upon by simply opening the valves of the wells. The Government denied preventing production, and said if there were a shortage it was due to the owners. Meantime restriction of shipments caused a rapid rise in the price of fuel oil here.

Several sharp notes were sent to Mexico by the State Department in the interests of American oil companies, and finally on Jan. 17 President Carranza agreed to issue permits for drilling wells,

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