ADVANCEMENT OF INTERNATIONAL TRADE-RESOLUTIONS Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have printed in the RECORD three statements which were unanimously adopted by the board of directors of the Buffalo Area Chamber of Commerce at their October 21 meeting, relative to S. 1614, which I introduced on May 27, 1963; Buy American Act amendments; and amendments to the Antidumping Act. There being no objection, the statements were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: BUFFALO AREA CHAMBER OF COMMERCE, STATEMENT OF NATIONAL EXPORT POLICY ACT OF 1963 (S. 1614, MR. JAVITS) The Buffalo Area Chamber of Commerce, a recent recipient of the President's E Certificate of Service, has always been an ardent supporter of any constructive legislation that would be beneficial in the advancement of international trade. This bill (S. 1614) provides a realistic pattern to follow in recruiting additional U.S. manufacturers to enter the export field. The potentials are good for a greater sale of American products and services abroad and for a resulting increase in employment and profits at home. A commendable feature of the bill is the practical manner in which the problem is approached without additional appropriations. SEPTEMBER 23, 1963. BUFFALO AREA CHAMBER OF COMMERCE STATEMENT ON AMENDMENTS TO THE BUY AMERICAN ACT OF 1933 (H.R. 7360, H.R. 7361) Since 1953 the Buffalo Area Chamber of Commerce has been advocating a repeal of the Buy American Act, which ostensibly sought to stimulate domestic activities and employment. Competition and free enterprise, basic to success of our domestic economic system, are no less important to sound international economic principles to be extended to friendly nations. Further restrictions on international trade, as proposed in these bills, will only serve to encourage other nations to retain high tariffs, enact new restrictive regulations affecting American exports, and definitely be detrimental to our bargaining power in seeking more favorable treatment toward American products. develop a unified export expansion policy for the United States; second, develop new ideas in the export field in order to improve the operations of the business community and the Government in the promotion of U.S. exports; ment in the promotion of U.S. exports; and third, raise the export promotion and third, raise the export promotion effort to a higher level of priority within the Government. The bill has bipartithe Government. The bill has bipartisan cosponsorship in the Senate, and is now before the Commerce Committee for action. I welcome the Chamber's endorsement of this bill. I believe present world conditions require that we continue to press forward for increasing coordination of free world economies and the reduction of barriers to trade. We should test out again whether the "buy American" policy does, as is claimed, seriously damage our foreign economic policy without really being of significant assistance either to our balance-of-payments deficit or our domestic economy. For example, since July 1962, the Department of Defense has been applying a 50-percent differential; that is, requiring procurement of American supplies when the cost of American supplies does not exceed the cost of foreign supplies by more than 50 percent-on a case-by-case basis. The Secretary of Defense has never intended to determine in this way the foreign economic policy of the United States or to materially affect the negotiating position of the United States at the forthcoming worldwide talks. Amendments to the Antidumping Act of 1921 should not be designed to further hamper the free flow of mutually advantageous international trade. Our selfinterest requires that we now devote our best efforts to removal of nontariff barriers to international trade. However, this does not mean that I oppose measures designed to protect ourselves against unethical international dumping or other trade practices. We must increase our exports for reasons of our balance of payments and therefore must work toward the removal of impediments to our goods trade moval of impediments to our goods trade abroad. We cannot enter the forthcom In our opinion, it would be unsound to ing trade negotiations pretending to be pass either of these bills. SEPTEMBER 23, 1963. BUFFALO AREA CHAMBER OF COMMERCE STATEMENT ON AMENDMENTS ΤΟ THE ANTIDUMPING ACT OF 1921 (S. 1318, H.R. 6033) The bills (S. 1318 and H.R. 6033) aimed at amending the Antidumping Act of 1921, to speed up and improve procedures in determining whether imports are being dumped in the United States, and implementing corrective measures would be most helpful to American producers and importers. The long delay which is commonly experienced on findings today, would be limited to 6 months and definitions of value and injury would be more precise if these bills are enacted. The Buffalo Area Chamber of Commerce believes that passage of these measures would be beneficial to American manufacturers and distributors. SEPTEMBER 23, 1963. Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, S. 1614 calls for the creation of a National Advisory Council on Export Policy and Operations. This Council would, first, proponents of greater trade liberalization unless we are willing to commit ourselves to meaningful and reciprocal negotia'tions on all types of obstacles to tradetariff as well as nontariff. SHOWS MCGRAW-HILL SURVEY Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, the results of the most recent McGraw-Hill survey of capital spending in 1964-65 are now available. This survey is by all odds the best single analysis of what businessmen intend to invest in the future. I believe that the results should be well publicized. The figures obtained by McGraw-Hill represent an excellent rebuttal to those who support a tax cut on the grounds that investment and general economic activity will be inadequate without such a tax cut. Let us look at the results of the survey. The first and principal conclusion of the McGraw-Hill study is that "U.S. industry now plans to spend $40.7 billion next year, 4 percent more than in 1963, for new plants and equipment. This level would set a record for capital spending." It is important to recognize that this forecast does not assume that there will be a tax reduction. Therefore, this stimulation to the economy from new investment will probably take place without the need for tax reduction. Manufacturers "expect to increase investment 8 percent. If these plans are carried out, it will be the first time that manufacturers have managed to surpass the record amount spent in 1957. And it would put manufacturers' 1964 spending at nearly $17 billion." McGrawHill then goes on to point out in 1956-57 "American business went on a capital spending spree. Manufacturers increased their capacity 20 percent in those 2 years." Thus, it now appears that such capital spending in 1964 will be at very high rates relative to the past. It should be noted, Mr. President, that this survey represents a report of what companies now plan to spend. In many instances in the past these fall surveys, according to McGraw-Hill, "have tended to underestimate what actually happened-an average of about 3 percentage points over the last 8 years. However, they have always indicated the right direction of change every year." Thus, we have good reason to believe that investment levels will be high in 1964, perhaps even higher than the present McGrawHill survey indicates. Some specific instances of acceleration in investment plans, according to the McGraw-Hill survey, are striking in amount. For example, "steel firms are increasing their capital investment 50 percent next year and already have plans to spend $1.15 billion in 1965, a level which is now higher than 1962." Other key industries seem to have the same types of plans. For example, "the paper industry also plans to increase its investment next year. Paper companies expect to spend 22 percent more in 1964 than this year." "The auto industry's investment will finally top the $1 million mark in 1964 after having spent less than a billion annually since the completion of its major expansion program in 1957." I wish to emphasize again, Mr. President, that these plans are all being made by business firms without any specific assumption concerning tax reduction. In some other lines besides manufacturing the pattern is the same. Thus, "the electric and gas utilities both expect investment to rise next year. Investment by the utilities will top $6 billion next year and remain at this level in 1965." Similar results are expected in communications, in airlines, in pipelines, shipping and buses. Another significant conclusion reached in the McGraw-Hill survey was that "the gap between actual and preferred rates (of operation) has narrowed appreciably for some firms and some industries." The significance of this, Mr. President, is that industries are coming progressively closer to the point where they will have to consider very substantial increases in investments. Demand is steadily rising toward the point where firms and industries will be operating at levels of capacity which will require additional plant and equipment for maximum efficiency. I would suggest as a result of this conclusion by McGraw-Hill, that we should not tip the balance at the present time by injecting a tax cut into the system. The economy is growing and, as the McGraw-Hill survey indicates, will presumably continue to grow. Moreover, we are coming ever closer to the time when the economy may well take off under its own initiative without any false stimuli such as tax reduction. Some evidence of this growth in aggregate demand can also be seen in the McGraw-Hill results. For example, "manufacturers as a whole expect to increase unit sales next year at about the same rate as they did this year, and this year's increase was a good one by most measures." This conclusion refers to unit sales and if some price increases are taken into account, the total gross sales would increase even more. TRIBUTE TO HON. CHARLES E. Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, a former distinguished Member of this body, the Honorable Charles E. Daniel, of Greenville, S.C., was presented with an important award Monday evening at the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel in New York City. The Society of Industrial Realtors honored Senator Daniel as the 1963 industrialist of the year. I was pleased, Mr. President, to have the opportunity to be present on this great occasion when so many distinguished Americans from various parts of the country gathered to pay tribute to a Horatio Alger-type American who has proved to be as much or more responsible than anyone for the vast progress in industrial development that has been made in the southeastern area of the United States within the past two decades. be printed in the RECORD at the conclusion of my remarks. There being no objection, the editorials and address were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: minds and hearts and in many small gestures whenever they think of him or read of some new Daniel enterprise. As far as most of us around here are con cerned, Mr. Daniel is "Mr. Industrialist" for just about any year out of the last quarter [From the Greenville Piedmont, Nov. 11, of a century and any day of the year. His 1963] CHARLES E. DANIEL GIVEN ANOTHER DESERVED HONOR Charles E. Daniel, chairman of the board of the Daniel Construction Co., will receive a bronze statuette tonight at a banquet at the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel in New York. It will symbolize his selection as the 1963 Industrialist of the Year by the Society of Industrial Realtors. Today is Mr. Daniel's 68th birthday, and it is probable that, as he accepts the award from former Vice President Richard M. Nixon, he will turn his thoughts backward half a century when he went to work for 72 cents an hour. Today, 8,000 persons work for his company, which has a payroll of more than $600,000 a week. This is the 15th consecutive year the society has presented the award to the industrialist "who has made a most significant contribution to the industrial development of North America in the public interest." Previous winners include Alfred P. Sloan, Jr., of General Motors; Benjamin F. Fairless, of United States Steel; Thomas J. Watson, of International Business Machines Corp.; Thomas B. McCabe, of Scott Paper Co.; Stanley C. Allyn, of National Cash Register Co.; and William A. Patterson, of United Air Lines, the 1962 recipient. Mr. Daniel, who organized his own company in 1935 with $25,000 borrowed capital, today heads a firm rated among the counent volume of business in excess of $300 try's top industrial contractors with a presmillion. His company has built more plants than any other contractor in the Southeast and more in South Carolina than all other contractors combined. In the last 25 years, Mr. Daniel has constructed more than 300 major industrial plants in the South with a total value approximately $2 billion. These plants have created industrial jobs for 150,000 workers and have been responsible for about 300,000 more jobs in service and supply industries. He is generally credited with having done State since World War II. It has been said more than anyone for the progress of his that when he turns a profit, so does South Carolina. Mr. Daniel has long called Greenville his home, and Greenville is proud that another in a long list of deserved honors has come the way of a man whose life has been devoted to the advancement of his State and his country. INDUSTRIALIST OF THE YEAR I am pleased to call to the attention of my colleagues three editorials from South Carolina newspapers which point up how much Charlie Daniel has meant to South Carolina, the Southeast, and, indeed, the entire United States of America by the application of his ingenuity, [From the Greenville News, Nov. 13, 1963] intelligence, and tremendous store of energy in strengthening and undergirding our great free enterprise system. The The editorials are as follows: from the Greenville Piedmont of Greenville, S.C., dated November 11, 1963, and entitled "Charles E. Daniel Given Another Deserved Honor"; from the Greenville News of Greenville, S.C., dated November 13, 1963, and entitled "Industrialist of the Year"; and from the News and Courier of Charleston, S.C., dated November 13, 1963, and entitled "Speaking for America." Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that these editorials together with the very eloquent address which Senator Daniel delivered on receiving this award, In at least an indirect way Greenville and the whole State of South Carolina shared the honor when Charles E. Daniel received from the hands of former Vice President Richard M. Nixon a national award in recin New York City Monday night. ognition of his fabulous career at a dinner He was named Industrialist of the Year 1963 by the Society of Industrial Realtors of the National Association of Real Estate Boards. The selection was made by a blue ribbon committee headed by Mr. Nixon. We are pleased, of course, that Charlie Daniel has received national recognition. It was something that his own community and State couldn't very well do for him, although those who know him and appreciate his tremendous contribution to the development of the State and the South honor him in their The man himself would make a fascinating study in character, relentless energy, personal growth, controversy, unlimited vision, undaunted daring, unswerving devotion to right as he sees it, the ruthless courage to override obstacles in the way of achieving what he believes worthwhile goals, and a rare combination of fierce fighting anger and a humble sort of compassion. A little over 25 years ago Charlie Daniel was a successful contractor in Anderson. About that time he moved his headquarters to Greenville and, as soon as the end of World War II let loose the pent-up demand for new construction, the Daniel Construction Co. was ready to catch the tide at the crest. No job seemed to be too big for the company to undertake. During the quarter century the firm has been in Greenville it has built almost every conceivable type of business and industrial building from small office structures to tremendously complicated paper mills and even a nuclear-powered electric energy generating plant. Charlie Daniel and his hard-riding associates would go anywhere, and they've been almost everywhere, to sell industrialists on expanding or building a new plant in the South, preferably in South Carolina. At 68 the man who is known affectionately and privately to a few as "The Big Carpenter" shows some of the marks of battle and hard work. But he has lost none of his zest for either and he has acquired little patience with foot draggers whether they be in business or politics. And if anyone anywhere doesn't want to know how he feels about a matter in which he is in the least interested or what he thinks about something they have said or done, they'd better not ask him-or expose themselves when somebody else has asked him to make a speech discussing problems connected with the economic development of South Carolina. He'll tell them. Charlie Daniel was quite at home in the gathering of national figures in New York Monday night. He also is quite at home talking the same sort of language with the humblest laborer on the Daniel payroll of some 10,000 persons. He once told a story of a conversation with a carpenter who had been working for the company 35 years. The man remarked that he wasn't worried about being laid off for lack of work because Charlie Daniel would "keep me busy." "You know," said the industrialist of the year from behind a desk piled deep with blueprints and architects renderings of projects yet to be, "I'm working night and day to do just that." A day's work by this man means many days of productive work for many other men. That perhaps sort of sums up a career that is still in full flight. [From the News and Courier, Nov. 13, 1963] SPEAKING FOR AMERICA The South had a powerful and persuasive spokesman when Charles E. Daniel of Greenville addressed the Society of Industrial Realtors in New York City. As the society's "Man of the Year," he had the respectful attention of an important business organization. Likewise he had a platform that commanded attention throughout the country. Mr. Daniel was equal to the opportunity given him to reach a national audience. His speech was timely. It was forceful, and above all else, it rang with truth. He spoke of the confusion among the American people today. "There is deep apprehension in the business world," he said, "because the economic system of America, developed on the principle of free choice by individuals in a free market, is being throttled and killed by Government manipulation, interference and domination." The Kennedy administration, Mr. Daniel said, gives daily demonstration of its "lack of economic understanding; of its inadequate knowledge or appreciation of our American system." "These men," he said, have "no faith in the very system of free enterprise which brought us to the abundant life and to the position of opportunity for world leadership. So far, the system has survived in spite of these people, not because of them. They are an indulgence which we no longer can afford to risk." The South does not concede, Mr. Daniel assured, that "America's greatness * ** is dead." He predicted that the Nation "willsoon be awed by the upgrading of educational and economic opportunities in the South for all our people. I further predict the South may well become, once again, the Nation's balance of power for sanity and responsibility in government. There is no more urgent need in this country today." Mr. Daniel had other things to say about financial responsibility in government; about wasteful foreign aid, about oppressive labor unions, and about Federal regimentation in the false name of civil rights. All these and more he said in addressing representatives of people who own business and residential property in States throughout the Union. He was talking, we believe, the language that these property owers can understand, wherever they may live. They are the people who have the greatest stake in the wellbeing of the Republic. They have shown their competence in acquiring ownership of When all else fails, the land is property. left. These are the people who own the land. They had a spokesman of proven ability in Charles E. Daniel. He is a builder, and a statesman with the solid background of business achievement. He has spoken as a southerner, and as a patriotic American. He has said things that the American people cannot safely ignore. WILL AMERICA BE GREAT AGAIN? Mr. Nixon, President Hudson, Mr. Watson, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen, the tremendous influence the members of your society have exerted on the growth of industry throughout America and the high prestige you have earned makes me doubly appreciative of the signal honor you render me here. For any credit due tonight, it must go where due in the more intimate sense-to associates, supervisors, and to the thousands of employees of our company who, characteristic of the South, stand on their own feet and earn their pay. In the broader scope of recognition, I accept this honor on behalf of many good people in all walks of life in our section of this wonderful country, in my State of South Carolina. They are eager and busy people; determined and objective people. Such people are in the vast majority down there. They are proceeding with evergrowing momentum in their difficult task of overcoming a hundred years of incredible odds. We fell behind in most respects, but we were deep-rooted people who had learned from necessity that the way to success and progress in life is to face up without fear to every problem. I predict that the Nation will soon be awed by the upgrading of educational and economic opportunities in the South for all our people. I further predict the South may well become, once again, the Nation's balance of power for sanity and responsibility in government. There is no more urgent need in this country today. Down South, we do not concede that America's greatness, the kind which elevated this Nation to an opportunity for world leadership, is dead. We do not concede that the principles of our Founding Fathers are no longer applicable. We do not believe that our system of government is antiquated or outmoded. We do realize that greatness and those principles are in deep eclipse behind clouds of national immorality, indecision, misrepresentation, and appalling confusion. We do realize that our system of government which we hold so dear is in grave jeopardy. Little men at home and abroad who happened upon big responsibilities, no matter their intentions, are steadily accomplishing the destruction of American honor and stability at home and throughout the world. We must restore the true character of this Nation in the judgment of the 100 million freedom-loving people behind the Iron Curtain, as well as in the rest of the world. It is not the people of the South alone who are disturbed about the erosion of public leadership. As I travel around our country, I see and hear many things which cause me grave concern. Our people are confused. They have lost some of their confidence in their Government. There is the disturbing question: "Will America be great again?" There is deep apprehension in the business world because the economic system of America, developed on the principle of free choice by individuals in a free market, is being throttled and killed by government manipulation, interference, and domination. The administration is giving us daily, a convincing demonstration of its lack of economic understanding; of its inadequate system. Those men who are directing the knowledge or appreciation of our American economic and fiscal policies of our Government have no faith in the very system of free enterprise which brought us to the abundant life and to the position of opportunity for world leadership. So far, the system has survived in spite of these people, not because of them. They are an indulgence which we no longer can afford to risk. The use of power politics for personal prestige means antibusiness; means loss of economic freedom; means development of more Federal regulated authority. In this grim age of today, we cannot afford to indulge ourselves in unsound leadership. There is no place in America for government by fear and coercion. There is no place for fiscal irresponsibility and petty politics. No ADA group, no power-bloated labor bosses, no educated beatniks, no pseudointellectuals-in fact, nobody-is going to rescue us from this serious situation. It is up to us to rescue ourselves. The people must face up to the predicament and again take charge of their Government and their affairs. Presently, the cold facts indicate that there is little government action of consequence except on the basis of political acceptability. Good Americans everywhere must join the fight to eliminate: the wildly theoretical excursions into the land of dreams; the incompetent and irresponsible economic plan ning; the erosion of American principles and convictions; the insidious perversion of power for personal gain and prestige, if we want America to be great again. Neither time nor ability permit discussion of all our problems so I limit my comments to three major categories of troubles which seriously tarnish and challenge the greatness of America. 1. NATIONAL FINANCIAL IRRESPONSIBILITY During the most prosperous period in recorded history, we in America find our national debt to be the highest in the world, larger than that of all other nations combined. Yet, we continue to run tremendous deficits, with increased demands for more and more Government spending and concentration of power; this, in spite of the fact that the total tax take is near 40 percent. History teaches us no nation has ever survived for long when taxes exceeded 25 percent of total income for any period of time. Foreign aid: Some of this was necessary and of great value. Yet, in the distribution of over $100 billion to 104 nations, billions have been squandered and wasted. With our own serious financial problems, America is at the end of the road as far as grants, gifts, and loans of billions are concerned. Foreign aid, except to the destitute, and except for defense which should be approved by our good general staff, must cease in order den; in order to help save the credit of the United States; in order to stop the build up of so-called neutralist and pro-Communist governments; in order to remove the deterrence to our own economic growth. to reduce our tremendous wartime tax bur We must put a stop to this futile drain on our national resources if we are to maintain our strength for the many challenges which lie ahead. Senator HARRY BYRD has said that when major so-called Federal-State aid programs; he came to the Senate, there were only two now there are 110. But this is not all, there are clamors and cries for 110 more. We are ready and willing to take care of tainly, we should. Yet, it must be done on deserving unfortunates at home, and cer such a basis that relief will not be a permanent profession, an inviting and comfortable status. Unnecessary relief means a decay of self-reliance, the deterioration of America. Our present systems leave a great deal to be desired in this regard. Recent investigations indicate approximately 60 percent of present relief payments in some areas, amounting to billions of dollars annually, are unlawful and uncalled for. We need a complete revamping of these programs. For the first time in the memory of our people, the American dollar is weak in the markets of the world. The credit of the United States seems headed for trouble and a drastic curtailment of expenditures is necessary. Yet, it is implied from Washington, America must ignore inflation or deflation; the Government knows best; deficit budgets are good for America. We are told that we can borrow our way out of debt. This kind of irresponsible thinking; this tinkering with our economy, creates strong impressions throughout financial centers. Our Government wants to destroy the free play of economic forces. With the dollar depreciated to 44 cents and headed for 30 cents or less by 1970, when business believes our Government to be antibusiness, national fear is created. Confidence in the Government goes down the drain; with it goes one of our greatest national resources. The ability of Washington leaders to curb Government expenditures, wage price inflation, taxation that destroys individual effort, will determine the status of the dollar of our future. It will also go a long way to ward determining the future economic devel- on the local level. Agitation from without opment of our Nation. Management plans for expansion are based on their economic confidence in the ability of our Nation to invest and consume. Uncertainty as how to make plans for the future is the worst foe of economic progress. We desperately need sound money, fiscal responsibility and discipline. We need complete, overall tax reform and tax reduction. Yet, it is not the prudent thing to do without equal reductions in Government expenditures. We must end the present philosophy of self-delusion in our Government. 2. INTEGRATION To review the serious problem of integration, won't you please visit with us in the South. The tragedies of racial conflict, at least the spotlight on them, have centered in our areas. Without equivocation, I report that the responsible people, your kind of people, have taken the upper hand in most places in the racial plight which came upon us. We are rapidly surmounting the hump, with confidence and increasing indications of reasonable solutions to our problems. I might add that this is being done despite the roadblocks which are being thrown up by the demagogues and petty politicians, the opportunists who impede progress under the guise of helping the minorities. These are the enemies of us all. The white and colored races have lived, worked, and developed our southern area together for so long, we need each other. Our Negro friends are entitled to, and do, vote freely in South Carolina on the same basis as white people. They are entitled to full educational opportunities and in our State, we have made tremendous strides toward providing them with these opportunities. All too often, we lose sight of the real progress which is being made in the main arenas of life because of the distraction of the loud but unimportant sideshows. We have approximately 7,000 Negro teachers in our schools. Can you name any State in the East, North, or West with a better record? Our Negro friends are well deserving of full economic opportunities. They are being employed in our industrial plants as fast as they can qualify. Our economy needs and welcomes them. They are being accepted. In the building construction trades, we have always worked our colored people. The situation generally is similar to the operation of our company. Presently, we employ about 8,000 construction employees; 26 percent are Negro, including over 800 skilled mechanics. They work side by side with our white people, receive exactly the same pay, and do a very fine job. Construction companies in neither New York City nor any other major cities have anywhere near as many Negro employees as our company. Why? Because the dominating union bosses refuse to take them as members. In the places where they have control, they openly and deliberately deny them these opportunities. The discrimination which they practice is of the rankest sort. Their exploitation of these people is a national disgrace. In South Carolina and in the 11 States of the Old Confederacy, all with strong State right to work laws, the Negro construction workers can find equality of opportunity. This is certainly not true in other areas. The tragic phase of the integration problem is the pitting of the Negro against the white man; and the failure of so many of our people to give recognition to the inequality of human beings. It has been said many times, but it should be said again, you can't force social change through legislation. Further progress in this difficult field will only come through the efforts of men of good will, working together or within can only bring harm and deter true progress. These are not idle words; we are proving this to be true every day and without fanfare. The pressure on Congress for enactment of the so-called, Civil Rights Act of 1963 disturbs all of our people because the act, as drawn, seems to be a plan for total Federal regimentation. It appears to us to be an attempt at complete Federal domination and control under the guise of a so-called civil rights bill. It strikes at the very foundation of our system of government. No Member of Congress or the Senate could support this bill without violating his oath of office. It would constitute the greatest power grab since the days of Hitler and Goebbels. Furthermore, I predict, that, if passed, it will create more opposition to the goals it professes to seek, and do more to impede progress toward those goals than anything which has been done yet. In my opinion, if the greed for power and votes could be eliminated, 80 percent of our integration problems would be solved within a matter of weeks. 3. LABOR UNIONS We believe the most important job before us today is to do what we can to restore the competitive strength of America. To accomplish this, we believe the first step necessary would be for Congress to set the American workingman free by removing the sanction of forceful compulsory unionism. We believe that every man has a definite right to join a union of his own free will. This we support fully. We do not believe that any man anywhere, especially Americans, should be forced to pay tribute to others for the privilege of working. Our Constitution sets out the rights of men to pursue their chosen work without hindrance. Our State right-to-work laws reenforce the Constitution in this regard. Compulsory unionism is contrary to these basic tenets and should be eliminated. We cannot maintain our rights without a full acceptance of our responsibilities. Our first responsibility as citizens is to defend our rights to private and free enterprise. In my opinion, the most important domestic problem facing America today is the unregulated, unchecked monopolistic power of the vast international labor unions and their bosses. Of all the concentrations of power, resources and influence in our country today, this one-the big unions and their bossesstands alone, free to create and expand monopolistic power; free to use that power to coerce and intimidate; free to use that power to destroy business; free to use that power to influence legislation and political elections; yes, free to use that power to the ruination of our economic, political, and social system and to the ultimate ruination of our beloved country. Yet, when we look to see what is being done to bring this unbridled concentration of monopolistic power under proper control and into its proper perspective, what do we find? We find a Federal Government which is publicly and privately committed to promoting expansion of this force. We find an administration which is greatly influenced by arrogant labor bosses. The National Labor Relations Board has been turned over to them lock, stock, and barrel. The present Board is in the process of completely rewriting our national labor legislation through its decisions. Instead of attempting to perform their proper role of administering fairly and impartially the legislation passed by Congress, this politically motivated group of bureaucrats is doing everything conceivable to aid and abet, yes, to promote the interests of the big labor bosses. They make no real effort to conceal their motives. The outright bid for big union labor support by administration leaders indicates a conflict of interest and causes our people to wonder if government can be impartial. Our excellent railroads, fighting for financial preservation, are denied the right to merge into more efficient units and save hundreds of millions of dollars each year, mainly because of union objections. In addition, they are forced to pay approximately $600 million per year for excess labor at union insistence. Six boards and the Supreme Court have ruled featherbedding out but on union demands and threats, another board is appointed. It is evident this process will continue until one board rules in favor of the unions and then another attempt will be lost in the battle for economy. Our atomic-powered ship, the Savannah, costing $80 million, has never been able to operate because of union arguments. The great newspapers of New York City were out of circulation for months, causing astronomical losses to owners, merchants, and the economy of the State because of the monopoly power of a few labor leaders. No one will ever really know how much this one irresponsible strike damaged the economy and the people of this great city. This problem, this reality, has been avoided by those in positions of public responsibility until union power now exerts a very serious, adverse effect on our economy at home and our ability to compete abroad. Leadership: The strength of America lies in our character, integrity, self-reliance. These traits, more precious than gold, when lost, leave our Nation impoverished. Capable, honorable people can and will give us good government-weak people give us poor government. Recently, a great Senator said to me, "For the first time in 150 years, the Senate of the United States has lost control of the Government." This should be disturbing to all good Americans because our only hope for better things for our people lies in an expanding economy, available only under sound, constructive government. It is unfortunate but we have an accumulation of backwardness in government to eradicate. We can stop the erosion of public leadership by devoting a substantial portion of our time, and that of all our people, toward electing sound people at all levels of government. Good government results from essential cooperation between business and government at all levels. We have obligations as Americans to maintain this status by fighting for fair treatment. Our country is blessed with many devoted Americans in Congress, in National Government, but we especially need more strong men in the Senate and Congress-fearless men, men of integrity; men who will stand up to be counted, regardless of personal consequences; leaders who will not trade a single vote on a matter of principle to get a friend appointed judge or postmaster, to secure a military installation; or a public power project; or to get reelected. A majority of such men in Congress, by standing firm against every invasion of individual freedom; against overwhelming Federal deficits; for strict adherence to sound and honest constitutional government, could block every socialistic approach in the Federal Government. We need leaders who can read and understand our Constitution-not those who would try to read between the lines. What we need is a resurgence of statesmanship, a solid balance of conservative power in the U.S. Senate and Congress; men who will lead, not follow; men who will fight, not appease; a return to self-reliance; a return to principle. It matters not whether these leaders are Democrat or Republican. We need a President to answer America's call to greatness; a man of integrity, of vision, of honor, of great courage. We need a man who can rise above petty politics and personal partisanship. We need a man who has the courage of his convictions. Somewhere in our 50 great States, there is such a man-one who could become a great President by placing the well-being of all our people, the future of our country, above all else. We can accomplish these things by paying our debt to America; by working for better government; by demanding great men for the great tasks which lie ahead. Then America will be great again. "THE STRATEGY OF DECEPTION" Mr. DODD. Mr. President, I wish to draw to the attention of my colleagues a book that has just come off the press, entitled, "The Strategy of Deception." The book has been published by Farrar, Straus & Co., and the editor responsible for the final shape of the book is Mrs. Jeanne Kirkpatrick. The "Strategy of Deception" is probably the most remarkable series of essays on the strategy and tactics of world communism ever brought together in a single volume. If we are to effectively resist and combat the Communist efforts to subvert the free world, we must first of all understand how they operate. Better than any book I know, it drives home the fact that the Communists rely primarily on the instruments of beguilement and deceit. It does so by setting forth the record of Communist deception in China, India, in Czechoslovakia, in France, in Italy, in the United States, and in other countries. This book, in a sense, is a monument to the memory of Mr. Sol Levitas, late editor of the New Leader. So that my colleagues may have a clearer understanding of the origin and orientation of this book, I would like to say a few words about the man primarily responsible for it. As the editor of the New Leader, he was in the forefront of the battle for social reform for more than three decades. His was one of the earliest and most vigorous voices to protest the brutality vigorous voices to protest the brutality of the Nazi regime and to warn against the peril it presented to the entire free world. But Sol Levitas saw in communism a peril of equal import. He never ceased to expose it and to warn against it. He spoke up even during the difficult days of World War II, when our press and our political leaders abstained from any criticism of the Soviet Union out of a misconstrued deference to an accidental military alliance. To those who are disposed to equate anticommunism with conservatism and rightwing extremism, I would point out that during the war years the New Leader, under Sol Levitas, was the only serious periodical in this country that protested against the crimes committed by the Soviet regime and that warned against the concessions we made in the conduct of the war, and at the Teheran, Yalta, and Potsdam Conferences. The life of Sol Levitas is the best answer I can think of to the indiscriminate critics of liberalism. The fact is that there are true liberals and false liberals. Sol Levitas exemplified the former. He lived by the credo of Thomas Jefferson, when Jefferson said: I have sworn upon the altar of Almighty God eternal hositility to all forms of tyranny over the mind of man. In "The Strategy of Deception" we can see how the Communist world is geared to fit the exigencies of the moment. There is vivid documentation of how local Communists veer constantly to follow the course set by Moscow or Peiping-even at the cost of deep embarrassment and loss of face. This is consistently true in all the countries of the free world where Communists exist, the book amply demonstrates. I particularly recommend "The Strategy of Deception" to those of the American citizenry who were too young to remember at first hand the subterfuge of the Communists throughout the world in the twenties, thirties, and forties. There is an excellent description of the Communist infiltration of the CIO in that period, for example, written by my good friend and former legislative assistant, Dr. Max M. Kampelman; there is a clear exposition of the Communist problem in South America by Prof. Robert S. Alexander, of Rutgers University. Julian Gorkin-a one-time founder of the Communist Party in Spain-describes his disillusionment with the movement. There is an excellent chapter covering the Communist coup d'etat in Czechoslovakia as it was accomplished under the protective shadow of the Red army. Indeed, "The Strategy of Deception" is recommended reading for every American citizen who wants a scholarly, hardheaded analysis of the Communist movement. BEEF IMPORTS CAUSING MIDWEST COMPANY TO CLOSE ITS DOORS Mr. SYMINGTON. Mr. President, this afternoon I received a call from Mr. Jay B. Dillingham, president of the Kansas It is, in my opinion, the most signifi- City Stockyards Co., who reported that "The Strategy of Deception" is in the best tradition of Sol Levitas and the New Leader. cant handbook on communism that has yet been published. one of our dressed beef companies in Kansas City is shutting down its operaIt is not so specialized that it cannot tion tomorrow and laying off 90 embe read by the layman. But there is no one so sophisticated or knowledgeable that he cannot benefit Mr. Levitas began compiling these es- from reading it. says and articles before his death. He did so because he felt there was a need for a book that brought together in one place studies by competent authorities on the Communist masterstrategy of deception, as it has been practiced in those countries where the Communists have seized power, and as it is today being practiced in those countries the Communists are seeking to subvert. This country owes a great debt to Mr. Levitas. I myself learned a great deal from it. This is an indispensable book for all those who understand the gravity of the situation, and who seek a course of action capable of frustrating the Communist "Strategy of Deception." ployees. Specializing in the purchase and processing of canner and cutter cows, this plant is unable to compete with the greatly increased importation of meat and meat animals which is adversely affecting the entire industry. The plant shutting down tomorrow is one of the largest of its kind in the country. Normally at this time of the year I hope that all of my colleagues will it would be at its peak season, employfind the time to read it. Mr. HUMPHREY. Mr. President, I should like to add my comments to those of the senior Senator from Connecticut [Mr. DODD] in regard to "The Strategy of Deception," edited by Mrs. Jeanne J. Kirkpatrick and published today by Farrar, Straus & Co. In his life he epitomized the best of of Deception," edited by Mrs. Jeanne J. true political liberalism. As a leader of the democratic socialist movement in Russia, Sol Levitas fought, first against the abuses of the czarist regime, and and then against the new tyranny of the Bolsheviks. Sol Levitas was never one of those double-standard liberals who protest against tyranny or injustice on the right but close their eyes to tyranny and injustice on the left. This book is a remarkable compilation by a brilliant and scholarly lady. In by a brilliant and scholarly lady. In 16 short chapters and essays, it presents a comprehensible picture of communism. Not a work written in anger or in hate, it is aimed at the enlightened citizen interested in foreign policy. It has clarity and depth of perception, and it is concise. ing some 200 people. I have written the Secretary of Agriculture, presenting this shutdown for his attention, and expressing the hope that renewed efforts may be made to correct a problem of such seriousness to Missouri and all other livestock-producing States. I ask unanimous consent that a copy of my letter to the Secretary be inserted at this point in the RECORD. I also ask unanimous consent to have printed at this point in the RECORD a letter from Mr. Dillingham, to which I referred when the senior Senator from Kansas and I were discussing this problem last week. |