Council, in any matter involving the interpretation of the new constitution. Only two exceptions were provided for: the one, when the public interests of another part of Her Majesty's Dominions were involved; and the other, allowing the Queen to exercise her prerogative to grant an appeal in certain classes of cases, subject to the right of the Parliament of Australia to limit these classes. This was regarded as stretching the formalties of Empire even to the British soverbreaking point.

eignty is still a real thing. To this clause Mr. Chamberlain practically confined his objections. There were other objectionable clauses, as, for example, that giving the Australian Parliament the power to make laws with respect to "external affairs," and to "the relations of the Commonwealth with the islands of the Pacific." But there would be danger in such matters only if the local Court had the power to interpret the Constitution. If an appeal should lie to an Imperial Court, any action contrary to Imperial interests might be prevented. It is for this reason that the fight is being made on Clause 74 The Liberals seem inclined to favour the passage of the bill just as drafted in Australia. The course of the measure will be watched with the greatest interest.

This difference of opinion on the question of appeal gave an opportunity to the Imperial Government to propose the formation of an Improved Court of Appeal for the whole Empire. Appeals from the British Isles now go to a committee of the House of Lords, while appeals from other portions of the Empire go to the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council. The membership of these committees is much the same, but the bodies are distinct. The Govern

-New York Tribune.

ment propose to make one body of them, adding to the present membership a representative of Canada, South Africa, Australia and India. The colonial representatives would be made members of the Privy Council and life Peers, although their terms of office as judges would be seven years. The new Imperial Court of Appeal would be a committee of the House of Lords, the judicial functions of the Privy Council disappearing. scheme has the one great recommendation of unifying the final interpretation of law for the whole Empire. are other evident advantages from the Imperial standpoint. But may there not also be disadvantages? In some of its aspects the matter is too technical for discussion by any but experts, but it should be discussed.

WHY THEY DO NOT INTERFERE!

This

There

Canada

-South African Review, Cape Town

.

will be affected, and it would be far from creditable to us if we did not fully acquaint ourselves with all that is involved, and, if necessary, let our voice be heard before the measure becomes law. We should ask, Why make the House of Lords the final Court instead of the Privy Council? The former is a committee of one of the Houses of Parliament; the latter embodies "the appellate jurisdiction of Her Majesty in Council." In practice the distinction may be of little importance. But should we not carefully watch anything that introduces a change, even in form, from the British Crown as the centre of the Empire to one of the Houses of Parliament? The English Liberals see objections from their point of view, and all that can here be done is to state the conviction that this is a matter Canadians should discuss.

On May 15, after seven months of as plucky and re

⚫ sourceful a de

month, never lapsing into carelessness and never weakening in determination. That they could, a few days before their release, outwit and confound their besiegers in the last desperate attack, shows the stuff they were made of. It is one thing to finish, and another to finish with a display ot full powers. They fought for honour. The time had passed when their resistance could have any appreciable effect on the course of the war. It had ceased to be necessary to occupy the attention of a

fence as was ever made, Mafeking was relieved. The story of Baden-Powell and his men, and how they kept the flag of their country flying in that little frontier town, will be told while the world respects courage. The news of the relief caused unbounded satisfaction. There was something in the stand made by this little garrison that appealed more strongly to the imagination than any other event of the war. They continued to watch and fight and endure, day after day, week after week, month after

Mafeking! And chief honour to the man who directed and enheartened them.

What shall be said of the man who planned their relief? Lord Roberts has proved himself a commander of genius. The relief of Mafeking is only one evidence of the manner in which he can accomplish results. He telegraphed Baden-Powell some weeks before to hold out until the 18th of May,

and on the 17th help arrived. The delay at Bloemfontein was fully justified. Vast preparations had to be made. A relief force could not get through to Mafeking until the Boer flank was turned at Fourteen Streams. Before General Hunter could accomplish this, General Methuen must threaten the Boer lines at some point near Boshof; and the whole operation depended upon the main army of the Boers being occupied by Lord Roberts' advance. This advance, again, depended on clearing the Boers out of the south-eastern part of the Free State. This last was effected by the rapid and skilful moving of three divisions. The Boers escaped northward, but their capture was evidently not seriously counted on, for all the plans had been made for an advance which must have been delayed by another Paardeberg. On May 1, Lord Roberts was on the move. General Hunter crossed the Vaal on May 4, and the relief force

slipped round. Mafeking was, of course, not the chief objective of Lord Roberts' strategy, but it was an important object in as skilful a game of war as ever was played. On May 12 Lord Roberts entered Kroonstad, having marched nearly 130 miles in about 12 days. In his famous march on Candahar he covered 320 miles in 22 days, and brought in his men fresh and ready to fight; but he had only 10,000 men and took only such guns as could be carried on mules' backs, and had no transport waggons and fought no battles. On this greater march he had a vast army and heavy naval guns, and he was resisted wherever opportunity offered. All national anxiety about the war has disappeared. It is now only a question of time. With Buller moving up on the right and Hunter and Methuen sweeping both banks of the Vaal on the left, any very serious resistance to Lord Roberts' march to Pretoria seems impossible.

HERE is reported to be an inter

THER

esting discussion now developing between London and Ottawa. The Canadian Government has had experience with several Imperial officers as commandants of the Canadian militia, and the experience has not been pleasing to them. These military officers are not always willing to allow the Minister of Militia to have his way with regard to militia affairs, and they enforce a military discipline at headquarters which interferes with democratic government as we have it in Canada. Under these circumstances, the Canadian Government, it is said, is anxious to have a Canadian soldier as General Officer Commanding. Imperial authorities and the GovernorGeneral are apparently willing to accept Major Drummond, who was formerly secretary to His Excellency, having come out to Canada in that character. Major Drummond went to

The

South Africa in a special capacity with the first Canadian Contingent. The Canadian Government does not seem anxious to accept this appointment. There may be two reasons for this : the one stated above, and a disinclination to accept every suggestion approved by the present Governor-General. Military men in Canada are awaiting the outcome of the correspondence with considerable interest.

*

The disastrous fire in the twin cities of Hull and Ottawa, which rendered six thousand people homeless and destroyed twelve million dollars worth of property, has been the event of the month. A relief fund has been started, and the British public has had a chance to show its appreciation of colonial loyalty. The response has been most gratifying. Her Majesty contributed 500 guineas, and H.R.H.

the Prince of Wales, 250 guineas to the Fund started by the Lord Mayor of London at the suggestion of Mr. Chamberlain. This Mansion House Fund already amounts to about £25,000. The London Stock Exchange Fund amounts to about £7,000. The Earl of Derby, a former GovernorGeneral, sent £1,000. Lord Aberdeen sent his sympathy. Glasgow contributed £2,000 in a few hours after the opening of a fund. Capetown subscribed the same amount in three days, despite the demands which war is making on the purses there. Premier Seddon, of New Zealand, cabled a colonial contribution of $25,000. The City of Liverpool sent £1,000. Mr. Chamberlain contributed 50 guineas. Detroit school children sent 706 pennies, and Oswego collected more than $1,000.

This partial list shows that the Imperial feeling of Canada is reciprocated throughout the Empire, and that the Anglo-Saxons of the United States consider us worthy of their practical friendship.

*

There is a This our

thorough school training. lack of moral education. ministers and priests should supply, and should supply at once.

Perhaps the first people who require this education are the leaders and managers of the political parties, the men who collect and distribute party funds. If our leading clergymen could find out who these men are and endeavour to have them engage as party workers only those who are pledged against corruption, much good would be accomplished. The whole blame for the evil cannot be laid upon the poor man who accepts a five-dollar bill or a ton of coal for his vote.

These

The bonus system, the tax-exemption system and the spoils system are also responsible for political corruption. These might be mitigated by a continued agitation which would educate public opinion against them. three systems are injuring our national life. Every person interested in good government and a righteous national life should denounce them and work against them.

We hear much of social reform. We hear it discussed in relation to the

the committee on "Church Life and Work" inserted in its report a paragraph, which reads as follows:

The Synod deeply deplores the growing political corruption of the times, and would solemnly warn all our people to maintain such a high tone of character as will raise them above all suspicion of political corruption; and we would hope that such legislation may be enacted and applied as will effectually deal with every phase of bribery.

This is a subject which touches our social life and is a proper subject for the consideration and comment of our spiritual advisers. The political methods of this country are showing signs of a loose American morality which are not hopeful. The evil of political corruption is to be seen in our municipal, provincial and federal politics. an evil which arises from the exercise of democratic government by a partially uneducated people. This lack of education is more than a lack of a

It is

countries. We hear much of it in a theoretical sense. We should hear more of it in relation to Canada's national life, and from those who sit in the high places of our spiritual and educational institutions.

*

For

We are a peculiar people. years we have been complaining of the alien labour law of the United States which prevents Canadians going into the Republic under contract to do certain work. Some time ago, a CanaIdian who went into the United States to fill a position for which he had been engaged, was turned back by an alien labour law officer. There was an outcry in Canada. The Government's attention was drawn to the occurrence. The statesmen who control our political affairs remarked that they had expostulated with Washington, because it was understood that during the ne

gotiations for a treaty between the two countries, there was an agreement that the alien labour laws of both countries should be dormant. The other day it was reported that some smart Unitedstateser had tried to steal our poor, innocent Doukhobors, for whom we have done so much. He had offered them work in California. When questioned about this in the House the other day, our Government, through the Hon. James Sutherland, stated that the Department of the Interior wrote the American agent at Pembina, U.S. A., that he ought to enforce the laws of his country and send back these aliens who were going in under contract. In other words, the offensive United States law which we have damned so often, is now our shield and buckler.

*

The worst part of this incident is that it reveals another great failure in treaty-making. The Laurier Government acknowledges that the negotiations with the United States to settle the Alaskan boundary, the sealing dispute, the Fisheries Question, and all other international differences are broken off. This is a fair deduction from this alien labour law incident. The law was not to be enforced against us during the negotiations. Now we ask that it be enforced, showing that we acknowledge the negotiations are ended. It has thus been surely proven that the Liberals cannot secure more from Washington than the Conservatives. The latter made several brave attempts and failed ignominiously. The former have made one great attempt and the end of that attempt is not more glorious. The days of "looking to Washington" are ended. What shall we do next?

are fighting for their freedom with the hated Anglo-Saxon oppressor, decided to send a message of sympathy to President Kruger at Pretoria. They signed a long sheet of paper with several thousand names, hired a messenger boy and sent him off amid great rejoicing. This generous act shows what education is doing for the young in the United States.

And Canada is not behind. The children of Windsor, Ont., are getting up a similar message of sympathy to be sent to Aguinaldo. We cannot afford to be laggards in such grand and noble work. All honour to the children of Windsor, Ontario! Kruger would be a national hero in the United States, and, therefore, why not Aguinaldo in Canada? We are housing the Doukhobor, the Galician, the Pole, Dr. Barnardo's boys, and all the European outcast classes, why should we not offer an asylum to this hero of a thousand battles in the Philippines ?

When we have offered Aguinaldo this, the world will know that there are at least two fool-nations on the North American continent.

*

The position of each of the political parties with reference to Preferential Trade has been more clearly defined during the present session of the Dominion Parliament. The Minister of Finance, as the representative of the Liberal Party, has announced an increase in the preference in favour of British goods. The discount off the duties charged on importations from Great Britain has been increased from twenty-five to thirty-three-and-onethird per cent.

The Conservative Party do not wholly approve of this generous treatment. It has embodied its modified approval in a resolution moved by Sir Charles Tupper and worded as follows:

"That this House is of opinion that a system of mutual trade preference between Great Britain and Ireland and the colonies would certainly stimulate increased production in and commerce between these countries, and