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the practice of his profession in Vancouver. Then came on the provincial election at the end of the fourth year of the Turner Government's term, and Mr. Martin easily secured nomination as a candidate for Vancouver City. Immediately before the elections the Lieutenant-Governor, Senator MacInnes, had begun to assert his viceregal prerogatives in a very decided manner. Scenes of anything but a friendly or dignified character, it is reported, took place almost daily and nightly at Carey Castle, the romantic seat of the Lieutenant-Governors of British Columbia, (unfortunately burned to the ground last winter). His Honour believed that his advisers were not doing their duty to the country, and he refused to sign warrants for the expenditure of fifteen thousand dollars, an appropriation ostensibly for roads. and bridges in the district of Cassiar. The elections were then only a few weeks off. The inference seemed to be clear. Before election day the dispute between His Honour and the Cabinet

had reached a painfully acute stage. No sooner was the result of the voting made known to the Lieutenant-Governor than he summarily dismissed the Turner Ministry and called upon Mr. Robert Beaven, an old politician, but who had just suffered defeat in the election, to form a Ministry. This Mr. Beaven could not do. Then His Honour called upon the man whom every one thought should have received the call first, Mr. Charles A. Semlin, leader of the Opposition. Mr. Semlin had no difficulty in forming a Cabinet and chose as his Attorney-General, Mr. Joseph Martin. The other members of the Ministry were Mr. Francis Carter-Cotton, Finance; Mr. John F. Hume, Mines; Dr. MacKechnie, President of the Council. The only elements of strength in this Cabinet were Messrs. Martin and Cotton. The one is a Liberal with ideas almost radical; the other is a Conservative of the strongest convictions. Mr. Martin signalized his entrance into public life in British Columbia by introducing

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legislation of a much bolder type than any that had ever been attempted in this province. Chief amongst those novelties were the Alien Exclusion Bill and the Eight-Hour Law. Their fate is too well known to call for more than mention here. When they were introduced they were applauded by both sides of the House. Shortly after this began the series of mysterious actions with which Mr. Martin has been so freely charged. His private conduct was alleged to be grossly improper, and the Opposition press teemed with attacks upon the AttorneyGeneral, but up to the present moment not a particle of evidence has been adduced to prove those charges. Then came the famous Rossland banquet, at which all present are alleged to have been too drunk to care much for the refinements of society, and when Mr. Martin referred to the assembled guests as "a gang of white-shirted hoboes." It has since been alleged that Mr. Martin was purposely baited and annoyed on that occasion until under the provocation he said a number of things he would not otherwise have uttered.


Then came the dispute over the Deadman's Island Sawmill site in Vancouver Harbour, and the deadly feud between Messrs. Martin and CarterCotton. This was followed by the Government caucus at Victoria, at which Mr. Martin was formally expelled from the Cabinet and party. Then began the savage attacks upon the character of Mr. Martin which have been kept up almost incessantly ever since in the provincial press. The last session of the Semlin Government is without a parallel in the annals of the province. Depleted by the expulsion of Mr. Martin and still further weakened by the precarious and capricious support of one or two of its adherents, the Government faced the House with a majority of one, and that one was the Speaker, whose casting vote repeatedly saved the Government from defeat. Of course, strenuous protests were made against this prostitution of the constitution, but the Government held on with wonderful tenacity for nearly six weeks. In the meantime some most extraordinary scenes occurred on the floor of the House between Messrs.

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Martin and Cotton. One day the latter dropped the word "career" in discussing the reasons which, as he said, had compelled Mr. Martin to leave. Manitoba. Mr. Martin was upon his feet in a moment and then began a scene probably without a match in Canadian political history. After hurling the bitterest invectives and recriminations at Mr. Cotton, who was once the manager of large properties in Colorado, and who had subsequently an unfortunate misunderstanding with his partner in business in Vancouver, which resulted in Mr. Cotton going to gaol for a time, Mr. Martin presented a resolution calling for a committee of the House to investigate Mr. Cotton's past. This was carried, but the next day Mr. Cotton vindicated himself on the floor of the Legislature to the satisfaction of both sides of the Chamber. The closing hours of the session were full of excitement, and the splendid talents of Mr. Martin for organizing were well displayed. It was entirely due to his astute management that the Government were caught napping when the vote on the Redistribu


tion Bill was called. The Government found itself defeated. That was on a Friday. The Lieutenant-Governor allowed the Premier until Tuesday to decide whether he should resign or ask for an appeal to the country. The Government did neither. In the interim they entered into negotiations with members of the Opposition to form a coalition. Premier Semlin informed His Honour on the following Monday night that he had succeeded in securing sufficient support to carry on the business of the country without difficulty. Next noon Lieutenant

Governor MacInnes dismissed the Semlin Ministry. For two days it was not known to the House who had been called upon to form a Ministry. Mr. Martin, after many bitter speeches had been made charging him with complicity in the alleged unconstitutional course adopted by His Honour, informed the House that he had been favoured with the confidence of His Honour. Prorogation took place next day. When His Honour arrived in the House with his brilliant retinue, all the members, as by concerted signal, rose

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from their seats and deserted the Chamber, leaving it absolutely empty. Immediately before the entry of the Lieutenant-Governor a resolution had been carried unanimously declaring want of confidence in Mr. Martin as Premier, and His Honour, with calmness and dignity, read his speech amidst a perfect hurricane of insulting calls from the crowded galleries, and took his departure. The members immediately rushed back tumultuously to their places and shortly afterwards dispersed.

the mining camps of Rossland and the Boundary country, to run through the fertile valley of the Fraser, tap the great copper region of Similkameen and pass through the centre of the farfamed Okanagan. Almost equally prominent was the anti-Mongolian "plank," promising re-enactment of the Asiatic clauses in provincial legislation until Dominion and Imperial Governments were forced to attend to the case of British Columbia. Then he started out on his tour of the constituencies and spoke at over fifty meetings. Meantime the Opposition press, that is every newspaper in British Columbia with the exception of the Vancouver Daily World, opened its guns upon him in a perfect hurricane of vituperation and personal abuse. No charge was too vile to hurl against the Premier; misrepresentations of the worst description were made, and judged by those journals he was the epitome of all the demons. Mr. Martin never ceased to assure the people that he was fighting their battle against the corporations, against privilege, monopoly and unfairness, and never once throughout his campaign did he


The efforts of Mr. Martin to form a Cabinet are too fresh in the mind of the public to require mention. No man ever set out upon a task under more discouraging conditions than confronted Mr. Martin when he began his work of appealing to the electorate of British Columbia. And no man ever fought a braver fight than this lonely champion of an idea. He began by issuing a "platform" so admirably conceived and so complete in its scope as to win the admiration of his bitterest enemies. The main "plank" was the construction of a Government line of railway from the Gulf of Georgia to

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descend to personalities. The whole campaign turned upon personal hatred of this man. Many who never even saw him were influenced by the prevailing outcry and came to believe that he was as black as he was painted. Only when they heard him on the public platform did they realize that there must be some dreadful mistake somewhere. It was most significant that not one of his opponents, even the most violent, ever dared to meet him face to face upon a public platform and prefer the charges which were boldly flung about when Mr. Martin was not present. The manner in which he gained friends throughout the country astonished every one. Wherever he spoke he made an excellent impression, and when he returned from his tour of the interior he was to be pardoned if he felt somewhat confident and elated at

the prospects. It was the greatest political fight ever waged by any man in Canada. Mr. Martin believed he was right, and


have encountered him in public and private business, are firmly convinced that he is an honest man. His defeat at the polls carries no disgrace with it. The people of British Columbia may yet rue bitterly what they did on the 9th of June, and come to see that Joseph Martin was the one clear-headed man fit to cope with the influences which are in a fair way to paralyze public energy in this province. But it is wrong to suggest that this defeat disposes of Joseph Martin. Far from it, although most men would accept that verdict as final, not so he. While there is life there is fight, and Mr. Martin is very much alive to-day. We are not out of the tangled web by any means. Messrs. Dunsmuir, Turner and Eberts have apparently a difficult task before them in their attempt to hold the House together for more than one session with such an array of talent against them as Joseph Martin, J. C. Brown, Smith Curtis, W. W. MacInnes, Charles Munro and the others who compose the ex-Premier's following in the House.

Mr. Martin's friends have always insisted that he is a man who keeps

"Because right is right to follow right, Were wisdom in the scorn of consequence." Those who have closely studied Joseph Martin in all his moods and

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