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lished in the country. Her surveyors were in possession of the records of all the appropriated lands; they had an intimate knowledge of what remained vacant. The State would, therefore, without incurring any additional expenses, if the lands were relinquished to her, direct her surveyors, instead of receiving entries on warrants, as they had heretofore done, to receive entries at a low and a fixed price, to be paid into the office at the time of entry by the enterers. In this way the owners of small farms would probably enter the adjoining lands, for the timber, &c. In a few cases, poor persons, residing on these refuse lands, might be enabled to secure homes for themselves and families. Tennessee was pledged, if the land were relinquished to her, to appropriate the proceeds arising from them to the purpose of edu

cation.

SATURDAY, April 26.
Case of Richard H. Wilde.

On motion of Mr. P. P. BARBOUR, the House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole, Mr. CONDICT in the chair, on the bill from the Senate, entitled "A bill to authorize the cancelling of a bond therein mentioned."

To this bill, the following amendment was moved by Mr. TAYLOR, of New York:

"Strike out all the bill except the enacting clause, and insert:

"That, for the purpose of refunding to Richard H. Wilde the amount he has expended in the purchase of thirty-nine Africans, parcel of the cargo of the Spanish vessel called the Antelope, or Ramirez,

decreed to Cuesta, Manzanel, and Brothers, the sum of $11,700 be, and the same is hereby appropriated, to be paid out of any money in the Treasury, not otherwise appropriated, to be expended under the direction of the Secretary of the Treasury; Provided, the said Richard H. Wilde shall deliver to an agent of the Colonization Society, properly authorized to receive the same, the said thirty-nine Africans, or the survivors thereof, to be, by said Society, removed to the colony of Liberia.'

The motion of Mr. TAYLOR led to a protracted and warm debate, in which the following gentlemen participated: P. P. BARBOUR, WRIGHT, of Ohio, SPRAGUE, GILMER, TAYLOR, DWIGHT, WEEMS, and MERCER. The question was then taken on the proposed amendment, and negatived; ayes 39, noes 99.

Mr. P. P. BARBOUR offered an amendment for the purpose of identifying the bond referred to in the bill, which was adopted.

The committee then rose, and reported the bill with an amendment, in which the House concurred.

Mr. TAYLOR renewed, in the House, the amendment which, as above, he had, without success, proposed in the Committee of the Whole, and required the question thereon to be taken by yeas and nays.

The question was then accordingly put, and the amendment negatived by yeas 51, nays 103.

[APRIL, 1828. The bill was then ordered to a third reading.

MONDAY, April 28.

Case of Richard H. Wilde.

The bill from the Senate, entitled “An act to authorize the cancelling of a certain bond therein mentioned," was read the third time as amended.

Mr. WOODCOCK delivered his sentiments at large in opposition to the bill, the practical effect of which, he insisted, would be, to add 39 more to the number of the slaves in the United States. He resisted the argument that the bill was required by motives of benevolence. 1st, on the ground that, if the consequence would be a benefit to the persons concerned, it was not the province of Congress to go hunting into foreign countries, and bring their slaves into the United States to benefit their condition, (and he considered the retaining of foreign slaves, who would otherwise go out of the the laws of slavery in Georgia were more severe country, as the same thing;) and 2d, because and oppressive than even the laws of Cuba, whither they were going: in confirmation of which position, he referred to the law forbidding slaves to be taught to read; forbidding them to marry without the assent of their masters; allowing them to be forcibly separated from their wives and children; and refusing them the power of being emancipated on the payment of their assessed value. He had all confidence in the humanity of the gentleman from Georgia, for whose benefit the bill provides; but he knew not into whose hands these unfortunate beings might afterwards fall.

Mr. FORT briefly explained the reasons from which he should vote against the bill-having ever set his face against increasing the number of slaves within the United States.

Mr. BARTLETT wished to understand the opinion of the Chairman of the Committee on the Judiciary with regard to two points, which he held to be important: 1st, whether these Africans would be slaves by law, supposing the present bill should not pass? And 2d, whether there was any immediate necessity for a decision?

Mr. P. P. BARBOUR replied, that, in his judgment, they would be slaves by the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, whether the bill passed or not. And as to the 2d point, it was true the time for decision had been extended by the Circuit Court of Georgia, but there was some doubt as to the effect and validity of that decree. The time first limited was six months, and that time would very shortly expire. He waived all discussion, and implored the House to consume no more time, but decide promptly by adopting or rejecting the bill.

Mr. CULPEPER said a few words in favor of the bill, which he considered as going to prevent these people from being torn from the

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connections they had formed here, and being carried away into a still more severe slavery.

Mr. SPRAGUE wished to see the original decree of the Circuit Court of Georgia, that he might know its date, conditions, and effect, as to declaring them slaves. He did not now understand whether the failure of the Spanish claimant to embrace the conditions of the de- | cree, would leave those persons in servitude or

not.

Mr. BARBOUR replied, that no papers had been before the Judiciary Committee which they had not laid before the House. The bond itself contained a recital of the decree, on which he was prepared to act.

Mr. SPRAGUE called for a division of the question, and it was accordingly divided, and put first, on simply recommitting the bill, then on recommitting it with the instructions proposed. Both the propositions were negatived, and the question being put on the passage of the bill as amended, it was decided-yeas 92, nays 82. So the bill was passed and returned to the Senate.

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"Resolved, That the President be requested to communicate to this House, (unless, in his opinion, the exigencies of the Government shall require the same to be kept secret,) a copy of the correspondence between our late Chargé des Affaires at the court of Brazil and the Brazilian Government, in relation to the alleged blockade by the naval force of the said Government, of any part of the coast of the Buenos Ayrean Republic, and a copy of the correspondence between the said Chargé des Affaires and his own Government on the same subject. And, also, a copy of the correspondence between our said Chargé des Affaires and the Government of Brazil, in relation to the imprisonment of American citizens. And a copy of any correspondence now on file in relation to the said Chargé des Affaires demanding his passports from the said Government, and the cause thereof, except so far as the same may have been heretofore communicated.

"And, also, that the President be requested to communicate to this House any information that may have been recently received by the Government concerning a paper blockade of the whole coast of the Buenos Ayrean Republic by the Government of Brazil, and the consequent embarrassment to American commerce. And, also, to communicate to this House what measures have been taken by this Government since the late Chargé des Affaires left the Court of Brazil, to countervail the illegal system of blockade attempted to be enforced, and to redress the suffering and losses of American citizens who were navigating the ocean under the protection of the law of nations and the guardian

care of this Government."

Mr. EVERETT observed, that he was not sure

[H. of R.

that he had an insurmountable objection to the adoption of this resolution; he would not, at least, express the positive opinion, that it ought not to pass, till he had heard the explanation of the gentleman who moved it, as to the views which had induced him to bring it forward. But it was his duty, as a member of the Committee of Foreign Affairs, to say a word on the subject of the resolution, so far as it covered the same ground with other resolutions, which have been before the House this winter, in reference to this branch of the Foreign Affairs of the country. In answer to a resolution, which Mr. E. himself had had the honor to submit to the House, a communication had some time since been received from the Department of State, containing the correspondence between the Representative of the Brazilian Government and the Secretary of State, on a portion of the subject of the present resolution. That answer, he believed he might say, was satisfactory. The gentleman now asks for information as to the measures which have been adopted by this Government, to procure a redress for the wrongs inflicted on our citizens by persons acting under Brazilian authority. By the communication from the Department of State referred to, it will appear that, after the return of Mr. Raguet, States would consent to nominate a successor, before the Executive Government of the United they received, from the Representative of the Brazilian Government, an official assurance, that full indemnity would be made by the Brazilian Government for any wrong which should be shown to have been done to an American citizen, in his rights or property. This, surely, was all, which, in that stage of the business, could be asked. Having received this assurance, the Executive of the United States, nominated a new Chargé des Affaires to Brazil. It seemed to Mr. E. premature, to ask what he had done to call for his instructions or his proceedings upon them. Mr. E. was not aware of the existence of any reason for supposing that he had not done all that could be done; and that that Government would faithfully redeem its pledge. It was certainly unusual, he might say unexampled, to interpose a call for information, relative to a negotiation, at so early a stage, unless circumstances existed to awaken a suspicion of neglect. If the honorable mover of this resolution would revert to the communication of the Department of State, referred to, he might, perhaps, find it satisfactory, and be induced, at present, not to press his resolution.

Mr. COULTER said he certainly did not offer the resolution now under consideration, without having examined the correspondence between Mr. Rebello, the Brazilian Chargé des Affaires, and the Secretary of State, transmitted to this House, in answer to a call upon the President upon that subject, and to which his attention had been invited by the honorable Chairman of the Committee of Foreign Relations. This correspondence (said Mr. C.) does not meet or satisfy any of the inquiries now

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lished in the country. Her surveyors were in possession of the records of all the appropriated lands; they had an intimate knowledge of what remained vacant. The State would, therefore, without incurring any additional expenses, if the lands were relinquished to her, direct her surveyors, instead of receiving entries on warrants, as they had heretofore done, to receive entries at a low and a fixed price, to be paid into the office at the time of entry by the enterers. In this way the owners of small farms would probably enter the adjoining lands, for the timber, &c. In a few cases, poor persons, residing on these refuse lands, might be enabled to secure homes for themselves and families. Tennessee was pledged, if the land were relinquished to her, to appropriate the proceeds arising from them to the purpose of edu

cation.

SATURDAY, April 26.

Case of Richard H. Wilde.

On motion of Mr. P. P. BARBOUR, the House resolved itself into a Committee of the Whole, Mr. CONDICT in the chair, on the bill from the Senate, entitled "A bill to authorize the cancelling of a bond therein mentioned."

To this bill, the following amendment was moved by Mr. TAYLOR, of New York:

"Strike out all the bill except the enacting clause, and insert:

"That, for the purpose of refunding to Richard H. Wilde the amount he has expended in the purchase of thirty-nine Africans, parcel of the cargo of the Spanish vessel called the Antelope, or Ramirez,

decreed to Cuesta, Manzanel, and Brothers, the sum

of $11,700 be, and the same is hereby appropriated, to be paid out of any money in the Treasury, not otherwise appropriated, to be expended under the direction of the Secretary of the Treasury; Provided, the said Richard H. Wilde shall deliver to an agent of the Colonization Society, properly authorized to receive the same, the said thirty-nine Africans, or the survivors thereof, to be, by said Society, removed to the colony of Liberia."

The motion of Mr. TAYLOR led to a protracted and warm debate, in which the following gentlemen participated: P. P. BARBOUR, WRIGHT, of Ohio, Sprague, GILMER, TAYLOR, DWIGHT, WEEMS, and MERCER. The question was then taken on the proposed amendment, and negatived; ayes 39, noes 99.

Mr. P. P. BARBOUR offered an amendment for the purpose of identifying the bond referred to in the bill, which was adopted.

The committee then rose, and reported the bill with an amendment, in which the House concurred.

Mr. TAYLOR renewed, in the House, the amendment which, as above, he had, without success, proposed in the Committee of the Whole, and required the question thereon to be taken by yeas and nays.

The question was then accordingly put, and the amendment negatived by yeas 51, nays 103.

[APRIL, 1828.

The bill was then ordered to a third reading.

MONDAY, April 28.

Case of Richard H. Wilde.

The bill from the Senate, entitled "An act to authorize the cancelling of a certain bond therein mentioned," was read the third time as amended.

Mr. WOODCOCK delivered his sentiments at large in opposition to the bill, the practical ef fect of which, he insisted, would be, to add 39 more to the number of the slaves in the United States. He resisted the argument that the bill was required by motives of benevolence. 1st, on the ground that, if the consequence would be a benefit to the persons concerned, it was not the province of Congress to go hunting into foreign countries, and bring their slaves into the United States to benefit their condition, (and he considered the retaining of foreign slaves, who would otherwise go out of the the laws of slavery in Georgia were more severe country, as the same thing;) and 2d, because and oppressive than even the laws of Cuba, whither they were going: in confirmation of which position, he referred to the law forbidding slaves to be taught to read; forbidding them to marry without the assent of their masters; allowing them to be forcibly separated from their wives and children; and refusing them the power of being emancipated on the payment of their assessed value. He had all confidence in the humanity of the gentleman from Georgia, for whose benefit the bill provides; but he knew not into whose hands these unfortunate beings might afterwards fall.

Mr. FORT briefly explained the reasons from which he should vote against the bill-having ever set his face against increasing the number of slaves within the United States.

Mr. BARTLETT wished to understand the opinion of the Chairman of the Committee on the Judiciary with regard to two points, which he held to be important: 1st, whether these Africans would be slaves by law, supposing the present bill should not pass? And 2d, whether there was any immediate necessity for a decision?

Mr. P. P. BARBOUR replied, that, in his judgment, they would be slaves by the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States, whether the bill passed or not. And as to the 2d point, it was true the time for decision had been extended by the Circuit Court of Georgia, but there was some doubt as to the effect and validity of that decree. The time first limited was six months, and that time would very shortly expire. He waived all discussion, and implored the House to consume no more time, but decide promptly by adopting or rejecting the bill.

Mr. CULPEPER said a few words in favor of the bill, which he considered as going to prevent these people from being torn from the

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connections they had formed here, and being carried away into a still more severe slavery.

[H. OF R.

that he had an insurmountable objection to the adoption of this resolution; he would not, at Mr. SPRAGUE wished to see the original de- least, express the positive opinion, that it ought cree of the Circuit Court of Georgia, that he not to pass, till he had heard the explanation of might know its date, conditions, and effect, as the gentleman who moved it, as to the views to declaring them slaves. He did not now un- which had induced him to bring it forward. derstand whether the failure of the Spanish But it was his duty, as a member of the Comclaimant to embrace the conditions of the de-mittee of Foreign Affairs, to say a word on the cree, would leave those persons in servitude or

not.

Mr. BARBOUR replied, that no papers had been before the Judiciary Committee which they had not laid before the House. The bond itself contained a recital of the decree, on which he was prepared to act.

Mr. SPRAGUE called for a division of the question, and it was accordingly divided, and put first, on simply recommitting the bill, then on recommitting it with the instructions proposed. Both the propositions were negatived, and the question being put on the passage of the bill as amended, it was decided-yeas 92, nays 82. So the bill was passed and returned to the Senate.

TUESDAY, April 29.

Affairs with Brazil.

The following resolution yesterday offered by Mr. COULTER, respecting the Affairs between the United States and Brazil, was taken up for consideration:

"Resolved, That the President be requested to communicate to this House, (unless, in his opinion, the exigencies of the Government shall require the same to be kept secret,) a copy of the correspondence between our late Chargé des Affaires at the court of Brazil and the Brazilian Government, in relation to the alleged blockade by the naval force of the said Government, of any part of the coast of the Buenos Ayrean Republic, and a copy of the correspondence between the said Chargé des Affaires and his own Government on the same subject. And, also, a copy of the correspondence between our said Chargé des Affaires and the Government of Brazil, in relation to the imprisonment of American citizens. And a copy of any correspondence now on file in relation to the said Chargé des Affaires demanding his passports from the said Government, and the cause thereof, except so far as the same may have been heretofore communicated.

"And, also, that the President be requested to communicate to this House any information that may have been recently received by the Government concerning a paper blockade of the whole coast of the Buenos Ayrean Republic by the Government of Brazil, and the consequent embarrassment to American commerce. And, also, to communicate to this House what measures have been taken by this Government since the late Chargé des Affaires left the Court of Brazil, to countervail the illegal system of blockade attempted to be enforced, and to redress the suffering and losses of American citizens who were navigating the ocean under the protection of the law of nations and the guardian care of this Government."

Mr. EVERETT observed, that he was not sure

subject of the resolution, so far as it covered the same ground with other resolutions, which have been before the House this winter, in reference to this branch of the Foreign Affairs of the country. In answer to a resolution, which Mr. E. himself had had the honor to submit to the House, a communication had some time since been received from the Department of State, containing the correspondence between the Representative of the Brazilian Government and the Secretary of State, on a portion of the subject of the present resolution. That answer, he believed he might say, was satisfactory. The gentleman now asks for information as to the measures which have been adopted by this Government, to procure a redress for the wrongs inflicted on our citizens by persons acting under Brazilian authority. By the communication from the Department of State referred to, it will appear that, after the return of Mr. Raguet, States would consent to nominate a successor, before the Executive Government of the United they received, from the Representative of the Brazilian Government, an official assurance, that full indemnity would be made by the Brazilian Government for any wrong which should be shown to have been done to an American citizen, in his rights or property. This, surely, was all, which, in that stage of the business, could be asked. Having received this assurance, the Executive of the United States, nominated a new Chargé des Affaires to Brazil. It seemed to Mr. E. premature, to ask what he had done to call for his instructions or his proceedings upon them. Mr. E. was not aware of the existence of any reason for supposing that he had not done all that could be done; and that that Government would faithfully redeem its pledge. It was certainly unusual, he might say unexampled, to interpose a call for information, relative to a negotiation, at so early a stage, unless circumstances existed to awaken of this resolution would revert to the communia suspicion of neglect. If the honorable mover cation of the Department of State, referred to, he might, perhaps, find it satisfactory, and be induced, at present, not to press his resolution.

Mr. COULTER said he certainly did not offer the resolution now under consideration, without having examined the correspondence between Mr. Rebello, the Brazilian Chargé des Affaires, and the Secretary of State, transmitted to this House, in answer to a call upon the President upon that subject, and to which his attention had been invited by the honorable Chairman of the Committee of Foreign Relations. This correspondence (said Mr. C.) does not meet or satisfy any of the inquiries now

H. OF R.]

Affairs with Brazil.

[APRIL, 1828.

ber last, after the pledge given, at this capital, in the Spring, all vessels then in the ports of that province, were compelled to enter into competent bonds, not to sail to any port of the Republic of Buenos Ayres. Thus establishing a paper blockade of the whole coast of that Republic, in its most obnoxious form: for, if a real blockade existed, why the necessity of taking these bonds, that vessels would not do that which they could not do? It would multiply the chance of rapacity. Many of these ships went into this port looking for a market, others were taken for an alleged attempt to elude the blockade of the Buenos Ayrean coast; and others sought the hospitality of the port in distress. A hospitality never violated or refused to the sons of the sea, among civilized nations.

Under such circumstances, the masters and owners published their protest against the inflictions thus heaped upon American citizens. It is an appeal to their countrymen at home. As it is not authenticated by, or addressed to, a Representative of the American Government at Brazil, I infer, that, on the day of its date, 11th January, 1828, no such functionary was at the Court of Rio de Janeiro-almost a year after, the late Chargé des Affaires, influenced by a high feeling for indignities offered to his country, had terminated his mission at that court. The first trace I find of the history of the injuries inflicted upon our commerce, by this nation, is a paper, signed by the entire Delegation of the State of Massachusetts, dated Feb

proposed to be put to the Executive branch of | By a decree of the Emperor, dated in Septemthe Government, nor does it give that information to this House and the nation, and without eliciting which, Congress could not adjourn, and be just to the high duties devolved upon it by the existing posture of affairs. The honorable chairman misapprehends my design; or, perhaps, I have not been so fortunate as to point my resolution with sufficient precision to render my views definite. It was not within the scope of my intention to disturb the progress of any pending negotiation, in relation to these topics with the Government of Brazil; or, if such negotiation exists, to impede its progress to a successful issue, by ascertaining at what stage it is now. My object is to know officially what the Executive branch of the Government has done to disembarrass the commerce of the country, redress the wrongs of its citizens, and assert the dignity of the Government. If a Representative was despatched to Rio, with all convenient haste, one branch of the inquiry will be answered, and answered to my satisfaction. But the very inducement for making the inquiry, is a belief resting on my mind, that, for one year, we have been unrepresented at the Court of Brazil, during which time flagrant invasions of our neutral rights have been committed by authority of that Government; and the promise given by Mr. Rebello, that justice should be done to our injured citizens, was scarcely filed among our archives, until new and continued oppressions were inflicted upon our citizens. I will state my reasons for this belief. I do not assume to be particularly connect-ruary, 1827, shortly after news had reached ed with the mercantile interest of the country, or claim to represent that interest on this floor, further than every gentleman may be supposed to feel concerned for every branch of the population and wealth of the Union. My attention was first attracted to the subject, from an acquaintance, formed years since, with the late Chargé des Affaires, whom I met at this place, and for whose talents and integrity I had, and have, the highest estimation. I felt a strong sympathy for a gentleman thrown into embarrassment by his zeal fo the interests of his suffering countrymen, and his devotion to the dignity and honor of his country. Perhaps a mistaken zeal and devotion. But I wished the veil to be removed, and that we might all see the cause of his words and actions. After, however, the Committee of Foreign Relations had given the quietus to his case, and doomed his complaints, real or imaginary, to the rest of oblivion, I felt no more than others, upon a concern, which had, of course, occupied the attention of that committee. Within a few days, however, I saw, in the public papers, a manifesto, or protest, of twenty-seven American shipmasters, and owners of that number of vessels, which are now detained in the port of Monte Video, without having offended against any principle of public or maritime law. As this protest may not have met the eye of every member, I will refer to its general contents.

this country of the war between Brazil and Buenos Ayres, and addressed to the Secretary of the Navy, urging the propriety of sending a considerable Naval force into the adjacent seas, for the purpose of protecting the American commerce which must float there. A similar application was made by the respective Chambers of commerce of Philadelphia and Baltimore.

These persons seemed to have anticipated, with great accuracy, the effects of the rapacity and cupidity, and, I may say, insolence (for I think not a little insolence has been displayed towards this Government) of the Brazilians. In his annual message to Congress, in 1826, the President stated, that our relations with the South American Governments were friendly, and improving, although many of the aggressions were committed before that period, and the alleged blockade of the river La Plata was in force. Commodore Lobo, with parade and menace, bore down upon Capt. Elliott, with a full knowledge of his character, and whilst the American flag was flying. He found, however, that he had mistaken his opponent's character, at least, if not his own. Our Naval Officers are not accustomed to let the character of a service, which their deeds has illustrated, suffer, for want of that manliness and spirit which the nation looks for from them, if not from all who represent its national character.

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