If then a light can be thrown upon the progress of humanity by all these things, even by the most minute, the Science of History will absorb into itself all possible information on all subjects. It may do so; but that extent and accuracy of knowledge will not be requisite in delineating the broad outlines, which might be demanded in filling up the picture, and finishing the details. So much would, indeed, be necessary to be known, weighed and appreciated, before the task of writing a Philosophy of History, in such a manner as to leave nothing to be desiderated, could be completed, that we fully concur with Herder, "that a philosophy of the history of man cannot yet be written," but doubt whether it will probably before "the end of this miliad."* Yet a cool and impartial judgment may collect from a study of the main features of the different elements we have specified above, enough to furnish the outlines of the whole scheme, though it must be left to future times to complete the undertaking. We look forward with hope, but with fear, to the day when this shall be accomplished. In the mean time we shall not be without our own reward, if we succeed in bringing the subject into more general notice, and thus increasing the chances of accomplishment and facilitating its performance. Our feeble aid may contribute little to the work, but we will not be ashamed of the office of herald in a good cause.

Of these various developements of human feeling and intellect, which form the progress of humanity, there are some which may be more serviceably employed than others as our guides. They are all serviceable, all important, but for the purposes of a general investigation the inductions we would seek cannot be obtained with equal facility from all. Those, however, which best merit our attention are religious, literary, and political change, in the same order that we have mentioned them. Literature is the running commentary upon all ages, the universal exponent of the thoughts, feelings, views, desires and intentions of all periods at which it may exist, and it has existed more or less in all times which have aided in the progress of humanity since the Greeks seized the torch of civilization. Religion is the inward consciousness, and outward declaration of the highest and most vital belief; and politics is the mirror in which we discern the struggle of men to adapt circumstances to themselves. The three are all indicative of the same spirit, acting in

* Herder. Pref. Phil. Hist. Man. p. x. Ed. 1800. 4to.

different ways upon diverse materials and for diverse aims. They throw mutual light upon each other by their specific differences, and illustrate the action of the one common energy by their generic identity. If literature be multiform and Proteus-like in its infinite diversities, still it is always deeply imbued with the dominant feeling of the epoch. The progress of the French Revolution may be traced with greater ease and distinctness in the works from Voltaire and Jean Jacques Rousseau downwards, than in the protocols and diplomatic missives of government. A glance at the literature of any age, and a comparison of it with its previous condition, will always enable us to trace most of the changes of nations. It is, however, too uncertain, too fluctuating, too liable to assume an outer vesture, concealing its real character, derived from the idiosyncrasies of each author, to be adopted as our sole, or even as our principal dependence in following the stream of historical advancement. For this and other reasons, we must seek some additional aid, less liable to be affected by individual peculiarities, to guide us through the mazes of the labyrinth. And what we seek we find both in religion and politics, which derive their character from the feelings of large masses of men. Of the two, religion is the most prominent, for when it does not stand alone, it identifies itself with politics, and always expresses the most vital feeling of the day, exhibiting it in action. For belief, hope, faith, call it what you will, (though metaphysically distinct, they are nearly synonymous when applied to our future prospects,) is necessarily the pivot of all human action working towards its own advancement, as its opposite unbelief is the soul and incarnate spirit of destruction. Now both of these, belief and unbelief, find their highest and most complete developement in religion, which is the faith of man in his moral duties and moral destinies. This then is the most important of all the guides we can take, as it is always in action, and, being common to whole nations, or to large bodies of men, exists more free of the impress of individual peculiarities. If in contravention of this remark, Pope Gregory VII., Luther, and Knox be cited, as men who have left the impress of their own character upon papacy, Lutheranism, and Scotch presbyterianism respectively, we reply that, so far as the essence of these creeds was concerned, their opinions and views were only the legitimate exposition of the age and country to which they belonged: and that all

that was immediately derived from their genius was the form and vesture. Many of us have yet to learn that a great revolution is not the work of one man, but of a change in the feelings of whole nations: that a great man himself is but the creation of the times, catching the spirit of the coming change before others are aware of its approach, and communicating the spark to the materials already prepared for ignition. We might as well refer the impression on the coin to the die alone, without attributing anything to the mind and art of man and the experience of ages, which have formed the letter, as to say that the temporal sovereignty of the successor of St. Peter was due only to the genius of Pope Gregory VII., or the production of protestantism to the Augustan friar of Wirtemberg alone, when Europe had already been protestantizing so long. Those who would hazard such a supposition have read the history of nations to very little purpose.

The third guide we have mentioned is politics, and by this we mean to include all the institutions of a country established for its own internal regulation, and the maintenance of its welfare, as well as what is usually comprehended in the term. And though we place this last of the three we have specified, its importance must not be overlooked, for one of the strongest evidences of national prosperity, is the excellence of its government, and easy operation. We have placed it after religion and literature, because it was always rife in vain speculations and useless experiments. Before it is possible to trace the advance of a nation in its political history, it is necessary to winnow the whole, and then you may often find only one grain of wheat to two bushels of chaff. But that one grain, will amply repay all previous labors, its existence is fixed and certain, it is a landmark to all future time, and it is nearly impossible for an impartial mind to mistake its significance. These three then-religion, literature and politics, may be taken as our best aid in tracing the stream of human advance, but, though we rely principally upon these, the others must not be overlooked, nor must any one be regarded independent.

We will now conclude these long labors, which their novelty may render unwelcome to many readers, with a notice of the grand lessons which the Philosophy of History inculcates. And first we learn from it, that the progress of the world has not been brought about by loose, blind, and

disconnected efforts, but that its advance has been in one connected chain, each link of which has been formed in obedience to certain fixed laws, so that the future has been invariably the legitimate offspring of the past. That the civilization of man has been truly "the work of humanity unto itself," acting in subjection to certain influences, and impelled to exertion by the consequences of the curse upon the ground "for his sake." That the march of the world has been continually forward, and that even in those ages where the pall of night seemed to darken over the nations, the retrogression was itself the necessary condition of a further advance. That it has also been one unbroken system, carried on under all changes of time, place, and circumstances, from the first day, when the ground was cursed for man's sake, to the present hour. And, though the course of this article has not let us insist upon it, we may add that the Philosophy of History forces upon our minds the continual superintendence of Providence, as marshalling events, so as at the proper time to be submitted to the proper influences. Three things are essential to the existence and progress of humanity, the partial opposition of nature, the active and conscious energy of man, and the controlling hand of God, without which the whole scheme becomes unintelligible. And as God did constitute the laws of nature in the beginning with a just view and foreknowledge of all their possible effects; as he did stamp upon humanity the impress and character which it bears, so as to adapt it to the career which it was to run and the influences to which it was to be exposed;-let our closing words be—ΤΩ ΘΕΩ ΔΟΞΑ.

ART. II-1. The Correspondence between the Executives of Virginia and New-York, relative to the demand of the former on the latter of the surrender of certain slave stealers.

2. The report of a Committee of the House of Delegates, of which Gen. BAYLY was Chairman, upon that subject. [Session of 1839-40.]

3. Message of Governor GILMER to the Legislature of Virginia, transmitting the correspondence.

4. The Law of New-York, passed in 1840, prescribing the course of proceeding for the recovery of fugitive slaves in that State.

THE Controversy between Virginia and New-York increases in importance as it advances. It has excited a deep interest in the minds of all southern men, who have contemplated it in its probable results. As yet it has reached the mass of our people only in rumors, presenting an indistinct and imperfect view of its true character and features. They will not, however, be permitted to remain any longer in ignorance upon these points. The subject is now fully before the Virginia Legislature; and whatever may be the result of their deliberations, the public press, if faithful to its duty, will not fail to convey all needful information to the people. Their forbearance on all former occasions, involving the same great interest, has been truly remarkable; but on all former occasions there was ground for hope that wiser counsels would prevail. No such hope can now be indulged. New-York has taken her position conclusively and definitively, and has not hesitated to place in the scales, against the peace and harmony of the union, the establishment of a false theory, and the realization of a visionary hope.

In the year 1839, three free negroes, citizens of New-York, and belonging to a New-York vessel then trading to Virginia, stole, while in Norfolk, a slave belonging to John G. Colley of that borough, and carried him with them to New-York. By the laws of Virginia this is a crime of a very high order, and is punished with extreme severity. Upon application made to the Governor of Virginia, he felt it to be his duty to demand, as the constitution authorizes, the surrender of the felons, in order that they might be tried by our laws. Satisfactory proof of their guilt was obtained, and submitted to