of Comrade Duchez on the above subject, in the April Review. I think I can sympathize fully with his view of the Socialist situation, although I am not a coal miner, yet for the greater part of my life have worked for capitalist employers. Still in some respects I do not view the question just as he seems to. He draws a sharp and distinct line between the honest and conscientious "intellectual" and the "proletarian" Socialists. It seems to me his definition and classification of the two elements in the movement are unnecessarily emphasized. In fact, I cannot see why such a distinction ought to be drawn at all. A man or woman may be both an "intellectual" and a "proletarian" at one and the same time, surely. Many people in the movement who would be called "intellectual" are at the same time "proletarian," which, if I understand the definition of the word means a wage worker. I do not know where the line would be drawn in defining the two. If book education gives one the right to the title of an "intellectual," who can say just what kind of an education is necessary or what manner of diploma he must have? And, again, who can draw the line between the workers in different industrial pursuits and say who are entitled to be called "proletarians" and sift out those who are not entitled to that distinction? As I said before, I am not a coal miner, neither am I a boiler maker, a carpenter or a blacksmith, yet for many years have worked for wages and earned my living as a bookkeeper, and feel that I am as much entitled to be called a "proletarian" as our comrade who is a coal miner. Both of us are filling our places as necessary wage slaves under the Capitalist System, and our interests are truly identical in working to change that system. We both work for capitalist corporations, both have to de pend upon our physical and mental powers for the things necessary to our existence and that of our loved ones dependent on us, and I am at a loss to know why it is necessary or expedient to work up feeling and animosity over hair splitting points of this kind when it would seem our whole strength and time, which we can devote to the cause, might better be used to educate our brother workers in all lines to see the class struggle as we see it, and thereby undermine the strength and power of our common enemy, the capitalist system. Our comrade draws the line sharply between the "intellectuals" and "proletarians," classing himself with the latter, where he certainly belongs, yet I would as surely place him with the “intellectuals" and prove my contention by his own, well written article. If some, outside of our movement, wish to classify us as "intellectuals" or outside of that "crowd" simply on the score of a college or higher education, let them do so, but let us not lose sight of the fact, which is recognized by many people, that education, practical, vital education, requires something more than having the diploma of a college or university. I most assuredly agree with our comrade that we must zealously and jeal ously watch our movement, and not allow the power to fall into the hands of any but thoroughly grounded in the faith, class conscious, proletarian socialists, but we should at the same time be broad enough to take in all wage. working, class conscious socialists under that head, and pick out the best material from among the great variety of useful workers to fill positions of trust. All are needed and have their place in the movement, and we certainly cannot afford to exclude any whose hearts are right simply because they do not work at our kind of labor. no THE NEBRASKA SITUATION. In answer to your inquiry about the Nebraska movement would say that I feel proud to be, for the present, a part of As for this growing state movement. "factionalism," about which you, doubt, feel concerned, I know little about it, have heard little about it, have encountered next to none of it. Socialist consciousness is moving in an economically determined course. Everybody is something-knows something, and knows it better than anybody else does. There are none great, except by comparison. All covet opportunity. The Socialists of Nebraska are building the foundation for a state movement that will, ere long, give a good account of itself. Capitalism is not so much evolving in Nebraska as it is being imported. The Nebraskan conforms to capitalism reluctantly. The doctrine of Nebraska has been: "Every man serve himself." He does not readily conform to the doctrine of Capitalism many men serve the few. has in reality been transplanted in Nebraska. He is yet of the generation who staked Good Printing If you need printing at all, you need good printing: the other kind is worse than none. Our business is publishing; we have no printing office of our own, and for several years we have been obliged to refuse any orders for printing. Now, however, we have made arrangements with one of the best printing houses in Chicago, employing union labor exclusively, to give careful attention to every order received through us. No job is too large and no job too small to be handled here. If you want ten thousand books, or five hundred business cards, write us a letter giving the necessary particulars; we will turn over the letters to our printers and you will get an estimate of the cost. We know from our own experience that you will be pleased with the work, Incidentally, by placing your order through us you will help the Review. ADDRESS their own claims. He does not like the Charles H. Kerr & Co idea of dividing up with the idle rich, once you are able to "show him." The Nebraskan is just "sore" enough about something, he knows little about, to listen to what the other fellow thinks he knows. Superstitions and traditions are not the fixed quantity of the east. Leaders, whose type thrive in the east, must handle their "buncome" in Nebraska with care. The Nebraskan is not a good subject for exploitation. He enjoys just enough good things to want to enjoy. more. The Nebraskan is not, as the New Yorkers sometimes think, putting his "trigger" finger through a course of physical culture, but he retains just enough spirit of western justice to enjoy a "square deal," and to fight for it. To show him is the problem. Not a problem of his intelligence but a problem of reaching him. In the northeastern portion of the state, Socialism has little foothold. No other section of the country is more ready for socialist propaganda. Here we are in need of local socialists who understand propaganda. It is also a ques READERS OF THE INTERNATIONAL SOCIALIST REVIEW. The Bank of Kansas of Kansas, Oklahoma, will receive your deposits under the Oklahoma Law guaranteeing Safety to Depositors. As you know, protection of the earnings and savings of the people is something only recently obtainable. This Law of Oklahoma's is simply an effort of a people, in their own behalf, who are not so much bound by the "lack of a precedent" and other prejudices as those of older States. The benefits obtained and realized are obvious, and show with what ease the people may obtain further comforts and privileges when so inclined. Is there any wonder the "Powers" of the Country were directed against such a move in the National Campaign! The Bank wishes to furnish a little booklet which may be of interest to those desiring further information. A fair rate of interest on Deposits thus protected is obtainable. Address C. L. PRATT, JR., Cashier, Kansas, Okla. tion of raising expenses of propaganda. J. HOWARD MOORE'S To make finished politicians of the voting socialists is a question of how to carry to them, somehow, the science of organization. The Nebraskan Socialists, like the majority of others, have fallen into the error of believing that socialism must win just because its philosophy is sound. The Socialists have yet to learn that Socialism will win only as we make it win. Who can word the science of organization so that it will be understandable, irrefutable, clean cut and defined? The writer who can and will do this will do the socialist party a valuable service. CLYDE J. WRIGHT. LATEST BOOK THE NEW ETHICS is considered by many to be vastly su perior to his other books. You will not only enjoy reading it yourself many times but will "pass it on" to others. Prof. Raymond, University of Chicago, says: "It is one of the very few books that I prize most highly. I have read and re-read it with the greatest delight and greatest profit, and have presented copies to numerous friends." Revised Edition—Just Issued alents."-K. Marx's Capital, Vol. I, page 178. This statement is so definite that it must either be explained as it stands or POCKET LIBRARY OF SOCIALISM rejected. Contemplating first then that Sixty of the Best Short Books on commodity which is the arch-source of all others, "labor power," we find that its value is determined by the average labor time necessary for its production. Whether therefore a working man receives 50 cents or $5 per day, whatever wages he receives is equal in value to the average labor time necessary to produce his labor power, or to the value of his means of subsistence-and so we find that in this case indeed equal values are exchanged, for practically all the money paid for wages is in its turn converted into means of subsistence. Applying the above definition to the values of all other commodities we arrive at the same conclusion, what is popularly considered a kind of arbitrary overcharge over and above the value on the part of the capitalist and which goes under the designations Profit, Rent and Interest, is in reality nothing but part of the value of commodities-namely, that part which is produced during the time given by the laborer gratis to the capitalist. But this part of the value should properly be recovered by the former instead of being filched as it is by the latter, and it should serve to increase the value of his labor-power, i. e., of his means of subsistence (by increase in value is here to be understood an increase in quantity and quality) and to provide him with a living worthy of human beings. That is what Socialism seeks to accomplish and if that is going to lead to barbarism, then let it be so, Mr. Roosevelt. Capitalism will be stopped when the laborer shall receive the value of his product instead of the value of his labor power. J. ROSENSTEIN. Honolulu, May 3, 1909. Modern International Socialism. Five Cents Each Postpaid. 1. Woman and the Social Problem, MayWood Simons. 2. The Evolution of the Class Struggle, W. H. Noyes. 3. Imprudent Marriages, Robert Blatchford. 4. Packingtown, A. M. Simons. 5. Realism in Literature and Art, Clarence S. Darrow. 6. Single Tax vs. Socialism, A. M. Simons. 7. Wage Labor and Capital, Karl Marx. 8. The Man Under the Machine, A. M. Simons. 9. The Mission of the Working Class, Charles H. Vail. 10. Morals and Socialism, Charles H. Kerr. 11. Socialist Songs, Compiled by Charles H. Kerr. 12. After Capitalism, What? Wm. Thurston Brown. 13. Rational Prohibition, Walter L. Young. 14. Socialism and Farmers, A. M. Simons. 15. How I Acquired My Millions, W. A. Corey. [ports. 16. Socialists in French Municipalities, [from official re17. Socialism and Trade Unionism, Max S. Hayes. 18. Parable of the Water Tank, Edward Bellamy. 19. The Real Religion of Today, Wm. Thurston Brown. 20. Why I Am a Socialist, George D. Herron. 21. The Trust Question, Charles H. Vail. 22. Science and Socialism, Robert Rives LaMonte. 23. The Axe at the Root, William Thurston Brown. 24. What the Socialists Would Do, A. M. Simons. 25. The Folly of Being "Good," Charles H. Kerr. 26. Intemperance and Poverty, T. Twining. 27. The Relation of Religion to Social Ethics, Brown. 28. 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Shoes, Pigs and Problems, Evelyn Gladys. These books contain 32 pages each, and are exactly the right size and weight to mail in an ordinary envelope along with A full set of the sixty books in a strong a letter without making extra postage. box will be mailed to any address for One Dollar. No reduction from the regular price of five cents each in smaller lots. Address Charles H. Kerr & Company 153 Kinzie Street, Chicago, III. Thomas C. Hall's, A FORTY-VOLUME LIBRARY A REPLY. Dr. somewhat belated contribution to the May issue of the I. S. R. can hardly be considered as an answer to my article in the number of the Review for August last year. The learned Doctor does not even attempt to refute my arguments, beyond labeling them "dogmatic." He insists on being classed with Catholic priests, orthodox Greek popes, Mohammedan dervishes and Jewish rabbis. De gustibus non disputandum est. . "Men of good will" are always welcome in the socialist camp, no matter what they believe or do not believe in. What socialists have to guard against is false pretense, so very characteristic of expiring creeds. It was always considered bad manners to tell the truth, but I am in that respect at least in good company. That I am not a dogmatist all those who read my writings will testify. I am at least as tolerant in matters of religious creeds as some Christian socialists. One accusation of my esteemed opponent is true: I did not study theology, astrology, necromancy, occultism and similar "Sciences." Mea culpa, mea maxima! However, I did not discuss "theology, but the mutual relation between the institutional church and socialism. I hope to subject Dr. Hall's article to a detailed analysis in the Truthseeker in the near future. Yours fraternally, ISADOR LADOFF. 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