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ing in its treatment of the Middle West that it should not be used by Ohio Valley schools without serious modification.

However, we should not too severely criticize Atlantic seaboard historians for this neglect so long as we ourselves make no effort to correct the existing conditions. We are probably safe in assuming that the historians of the Ohio Valley have made but little effort to emphasize our local development as an important part of the nation's growth; and, except in a few instances, the teachers in our public schools have hardly given the matter a thought. Nor, in consideration of the variety of subjects which most of them. have to teach, is it to be expected that grade teachers should take the lead in this matter. However, we believe that leaders may be found in nearly every community who would forward such a movement if the work were outlined in a logical manner, and good material were put in available.

form.

In conclusion, permit me to express the hope that the good work in local history that is being done in some of the

schools in the Ohio Valley may extend to others. To promote such a movement the Committee on Local History of the Ohio Valley Historical Association has already recommended that a committee be appointed to make further study of this subject and report on the following topics at the next annual meeting:

(1) A general plan, flexible enough for any community, for the use of local history as a means of civic instruction. (2) A syllabus indicating in considerable detail, what phases of Ohio Valley history should be included in a course of American History for Ohio Valley schools.

(3) Suggestions to state and local historical societies and to colleges and universities as to their part in promoting the teaching of local history in the schools.

(4) Ways and means for the preparation and publication of material in convenient form for use in the public schools. (5) Suggestions as to the preparation of a text-book on American History which will give a treatment of Ohio Valley History, adequate to the needs of Ohio Valley schools.

The New Problem in Civics Teaching

BY A. D. S. GILLETT, STATE NORMAL SCHOOL, SUPERIOR, WIS.

Within recent years a serious situation has confronted our teachers of civics. We were having our pupils memorize the federal and state constitutions, clause by clause. Some of us may actually have been guilty of this practice ourselves. I, at least, can recall the time when I felt called upon to apologize because I was not doing it. So strong a hold does custom have upon us. At the same time we were taking our illustrations of the problems of democracy from the people of ancient Greece. We lagged as far behind the times as did our churches. With government all around us and at our very doors, it was for classes in civics a thing of the dim and distant past, or, if the present, still a distant and far-away thing. Fortunately, however, during the last ten or fifteen years teachers of civics have been realizing the necessity for a change. They began to realize that the complaisant position that the American government is the best in the world was not necessarily going to produce the best results, and in that connection James Bryce performed a valuable work by calling our attention to the fact that even a friendly study of American political institutions could not avoid pointing out serious evils, some of which European countries have been able to cure in part at least. "The American Commonwealth" was one of the things that helped to call us to our senses, and helped to show us that there had been too much reverence for the written constitution that was adopted at Philadelphia. More recently some of our economists and sociologists have been telling us the same thing in a slightly different way-notably Professor Ross in his excellent "Social Psychology," which no teacher should fail to read. It used to be taken for granted that everything in the constitution is right. We never thought of doubting it. The only reasoning we encouraged was that which would show why each provision was a wise one. We were as limited in our sphere of mental action as were the schoolmen of the middle ages.

But it is conceded that the evil of which I have been speaking is becoming more and more a thing of the past. For this we must, in large measure, thank our universities,

and especially the graduate departments of the universities. Take Wisconsin, for example. The work that Professor Reinsch and his associates have been doing during the last ten years has gone to the heart of things. Nothing has been taken for granted. Political conditions have been investigated as they are not as they might be, or had been expected to be. In consequence, many young men and women have gone out into the schools of Wisconsin, for whom it would be a mental impossibility to teach civics in quite the old-fashioned way-and some who have not had the personal contact with Professor Reinsch have gained something of his point of view through such works as " American Legislatures and Legislative Methods."

At the same time I must pause to point out an evil that may creep into the new method of handling civics-namely, that it may lack definiteness and cohesion. There is so much ground that may be covered that the pupil may get a hazy idea of many things and a clear-cut idea of nothing. For this reason I believe that a certain part of every course should be devoted to a definite study of the federal constitution and the general framework of the national government, which in a measure will serve as anchorage for other parts of the course. This need not be done in the slavish way once followed, but may be done critically, with approval for those things that merit approval, and disapproval for those that do not.

But the new problem in civics defies final solution, for the reason that it is constantly changing. Within the last half dozen years it has taken on a new phase. There is going on in this country, at the present time, a struggle of intense human interest. It is a struggle between an alliance of business and political interests on the one hand and the community welfare on the other. The struggle has become so intense and the question so important that it cannot be avoided by the conscientious teacher of civics. If you believe a congressman ought to read a bill before he votes for it, if you believe that jokers should be eliminated from tariff bills, if you believe that bills for the regulation

of railroads should be expressed in simple, clear-cut, straight-forward language that contains no hidden meaning -if you believe in these things, the time has come to say so in your civics classes. This involves a difficulty. In large measure it lines you up as a theoretical progressive or insurgent-a progressive republican or a progressive democrat, as the case may be. In many cases there is not much difference, for the present upheaval has shattered party lines about as badly as whig and democratic lines were shattered between 1850 and 1856. You may feel that this plunges the teacher into the political maelstrom, and, in a measure, endangers his or her tenure of office. I think to a certain extent this may be true-which is merely saying that it takes some courage to teach the truth in these days. It does take courage, but that is no reason why the truth should not be taught.

To be a little more definite, the problem is to show both. the good and the bad in our government-on the one hand to show how our fathers gained rights which are precious and must be preserved, and, on the other, how our individualistic view of things has failed when it has had to face modern industrial conditions; how, while we were correcting some evils, others have crept in, which can be cured only by scientific legislation, enforced and interpreted by honest and capable servants of the people, backed by an intelligent and incorruptible electorate.

Such a program means plenty of work for the civics teacher and requires faithful and conscientious preparation. It means that civics cannot be confined to the high school. Certain phases of it at least must be handled both in the grades and in the rural schools. Here the primary problem will be to make the subject sufficiently simple and sufficiently clear. I am afraid some high-school teachers have had the experience of receiving pupils from the grades who have had so-called civics and yet have had to begin at the bottom with their work just the same. A certain German professor once said: "No teacher can presume too much on the stupidity of his pupils." If this thought were expressed in a somewhat more sympathetic manner, it would be the best advice in the world, and in teaching civics it is something that the elementary teacher should certainly bear in mind. The earliest civics-not lower than the third grade let us say-should certainly be "sense civics" similar to the " sense geography" of our geographical friends and similar to the "sense history" that Professor Mace advocates in his admirable "Method in History." In fact, much of the work outlined by Professor Mace as "sense history is in reality "sense civics," and every teacher of civics, as well as every teacher of history, should be familiar with his book. In short, in the grades and in the rural schools we must first of all arouse a greater interest in the subject than we have sometimes done, and to do this the civics must appeal to the senses. This means local government as a starting point. Begin with that with which the child is already most familiar, the home, and from that go to the school. In the rural schools in Wisconsin the next step is the government of the town. For this the excellent manual issued from the office of Superintendent Cary will serve as a basis. To make the subject real, it will have to be tangible and concrete. A study of town government in general will be practically worthless. It must be a study of the particular town in which your school is located. The pupils should know who the town officers are. They should attend the town meeting. The class should in some way arrange for an interview with the officers. Class exercises

should include reports upon these interviews and upon the town meeting. But this will be insufficient. Under the careful guidance of the teacher the class should organize itself into a town meeting. The officers should report; new officers should be elected. A tax levy should be made. Then, in the following days, the officers should perform their duties and report upon them to the class.

So far as possible the same method should be followed in the later work on county, state and national government. The work must constantly be made real. Otherwise it will fail. So far as possible, the appeal should still be to the senses. The class should visit and inspect the postoffice and talk with the postmaster. If there are any institutions, such as a poor farm or a county asylum at hand, they should be visited. Where the appeal to the senses becomes impossible, the imagination must be substituted. A county board, a state assembly, a state senate, national house and federal senate should, in turn, be organized. Coupled with this should be a study of appropriate current events through the newspapers or magazines.

The method of the city teacher will be the same, but the work will begin with city instead of town government. Here there is a splendid opportunity, and tremendous interest may be aroused. Fire hall, police station, court, parks, streets, children's home, city council, may be visited and discussed. I need not go into detail. Many of you are now doing this with success. The October, 1910, number of the "New York Teachers' Monographs" outlines the work done in the New York City schools. It is excellent. A possible criticism is that it might give you the impression that New York is the best governed city in the world. I suppose it would take the courage of a martyr for a New York City teacher to criticise the government furnished by Tammany Hall. In fact, if it were done, generally, we should probably have to have a new book of martyrs. Professor Shong, of the Superior High School, has prepared a good outline for the Superior schools, which is now being published in THE HISTORY TEACHER'S MAGAZINE. Other excellent material includes Professor Sanford's little work on government in Wisconsin, Professor's Reinsch's "The Young Citizen's Reader," and Dunn's "The Community and the Citizen."

With pupils entering the high school with such preparation as this, the high-school teacher will be able—especially if the course is offered in the junior or senior year, as it should be to attack the really serious problems of government that now confront us-the corruption in city government, the extravagance, the vice, the rake-off in connection with street improvements, lax enforcement of sanitary regulations, fraudulent elections, fraudulent assessments and franchise grabs. He may also consider suggested remedies, as the commission form of city government, the recall and the initiative and referendum. Similarly he may take up the terrible struggle for the control of the state governments, the regulation of railways and public service corporations, pure food legislation, insurance problems, labor questions, our charitable and penal problems, the relation of the university to the state, the purification of elections through the primary, publication of campaign expenses and contributions, registration and the Australian ballot, and the improvement of legislation through the regulation of the lobby and through such agencies as the legislative reference library originated in Wisconsin by Dr. McCarthy. The work should not be too general. Specific instances in your own or other states should be cited.

The work of the national government should be analyzed in the same way-not as it was intended to be, not as it once was, but as it now is. Its evils and its good points should be shown, side by side. The problems that now confront it should be considered, and methods of solving them -party organization, the struggle between insurgents and standpatters, the conservation fight, the inter-state commerce act, where it is weak and where strong, the bureau of labor, the immigration bureau, the evils involved in much of our tariff legislation, the desirability of the graduated inheritance and income taxes, the banking and currency question. These are a few of the problems. You may say I have encroached upon the domain of political economy. I have. It cannot be helped. The two subjects overlap, and that is all there is to it. It is evident that this work cannot be handled through a text-book alone. The newspapers must be used, and they are often biased. Yet we must do the best we can with them. The school should also have "The Outlook," "Collier's," "The American," "McClure's," "The Independent," "Hampton's," "The Commoner," and "La Follette's "-or, at least several of them. Talks by the teacher are indispensable. It is customary for the methods extremist to inveigh against the talking teacher,

and, in a measure, his criticism is justified; but the teacher must talk, nevertheless. I should make the work bear directly on the men and the problems of to-day. I should not hesitate to consider Roosevelt, LaFollette, Churchill, Pinchot, Garfield, Bristow, Poindexter, Lindsey, Folk and Bryan on the one hand, and Aldrich, Hale, Lodge, Penrose, Lorimer, Burrows, Cannon, Payne, Dalzell and Tawney on the other, commending where commendation is due, and condemning where condemnation is due.

One interesting and, I think, valuable feature may consist of talks from men especially posted along certain lines. For example, last year Congressman Lenroot analyzed the Payne-Aldrich tariff for my class. Senator Hudnall has talked to us on the work of the state legislature, Judge Roberts on the courts, City Attorney McIntosh on the government of Superior, and so on.

You will also need a text-book. Perhaps James and Sanford will be the best you can get, but I believe a new one is now needed, going still farther with the method they have well begun.

You will have plenty of work, and, if you do it well, I feel you will have given real service to the community in which which you labor.

Is State History Worth While?

BY FRANKLIN L. RILEY, UNIVERSITY OF MISSISSIPPI.

It is a noteworthy fact that many States in the Union omit the subject of State history from their public school curricula. The most notable example of this omission is found in the New England States, where the subject of history is more carefully and successfully taught than in any other part of the country. This fact has led me to wonder if State history is worth while in Southern schools.

A careful consideration of the subject demands that we compare conditions in the two sections which present these extremes. To say that local history is neglected in New England would be far from true. To the contrary, there is perhaps no part of the country where it receives more careful attention. It is necessary, therefore, that we should investigate the provisions made for local history in the New England States.

Separate courses in State history are not given in New England for the following reasons:

1. Local history is treated in connection with United States history. In the elementary schools much attention is devoted to local history, as will be seen upon consulting the recent Report of the Committee of Eight on "History in the Elementary Schools." In the "History Syllabus for Secondary Schools," prepared by the New England History Teachers' Association, teachers are directed to devote twice as much attention to the New England Colonies as to the Southern or Middle Colonies. In "A Pathfinder of American History," largely used by New England teachers, much attention is devoted to State and local history. In Barnes' Studies in Historical Method," published by D. C. Heath & Co., Boston, will be found an excellent discussion of the importance of local history. The author of this book well says: "In America our local history has not yet received its full development. We have been careless of our monuments and relics, which, to be sure, are of a different sort from those of Europe, though no less interesting and important to preserve; we have as yet no growth of song and story clinging like green vines about the broken fragments of the past; worst of all, we do not know our local history. All this the teacher can do much to change."

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2. Valuable and attractive booklets dealing with local history are most abundant. Although there are no separate classes in local history in the New England schools, the children's minds are thoroughly saturated with New England history by the reading of such books as Moore's "Pilgrims and Puritans," "The Old South Leaflets," and other interesting historical literature.

3. Historical monuments and sights teach local history every day in the year. The New England people excel in the use of these valuable aids to historical study. It is impossible for children to grow up amid such an environment without becoming interested in the history of their locality and State.

4. The field of local history is thoroughly covered by Historical Society organizations. It may be said without much exaggeration that the New England people study local and State history "from the cradle to the grave. In 1905, Massachusetts, with an area less than one-fifth that of Mis

sissippi, had thirty-eight Historical Societies exclusive of certain patriotic organizations such as the D. A. R.'s, Colonial Dames, Sons of the Revolution, etc. Its local Historical Societies had: Buildings, worth $492,000; invested funds, $421,000; annual income (exclusive of Membership Fees) $70,870; books about 822,000 volumes. New Jersey, with less than one-sixth the area of Mississippi, had sixteen local Historical Societies. In brief, the New England States, exclusive of Maine, with an area of 39,603 square miles, had sixty-four organizations for developing and fostering an interest in local history. Mississippi, with over 46,000 square miles, has only two organizations of this kind.

These brief statistics afford convincing evidence that local history receives far more attention in New England than in any other part of the country.

I have been recently informed by a New England teacher that the sentiment in favor of the introduction of State history into the public school curriculum is gaining ground in Connecticut.

In the summer of 1909, I gathered the following facts

from teachers in Southern schools which are of interest in this connection:

State History in Southern Schools

TIME AND PLACE IN CURRICULUM.-In Alabama this is

not prescribed by law, but is usually given in the 7th grade; In Arkansas, usually in the 7th grade; in Georgia, generally in the 5th and 6th grades nine months each, supplementary work in the 8th grade; in Kentucky five months in 7th grade; in Mississippi, three to four months in 8th grade; in North Carolina, usually one year in 7th grade, preceded by North Carolina History Stories as supplementary work in 5th grade; in South Carolina, one year each in 5th and 6th grades and as supplementary work in 7th grade; in Tennessee, required one year in 6th grade in all schools.

TIME AND PLACE IN SCHEDULE OF RECITATIONS.-In Alabama, this work is given thirty minute periods three times a week, sometimes five times a week part of the session; in Arkansas, varies; in Georgia, thirty minute periods five times a week; in Kentucky, forty-five minute recitations; in Mississippi, twenty minute recitations five times a week; in North Carolina, twenty to thirty minute recitations; in South Carolina, three thirty minute periods a week; in Tennessee, twenty to thirty-five minute recitations.

SUPPLEMENTARY WORK.-In Alabama, we are told that it is impossible to report definitely, some schools use two text-books, one for parallel assignment; in Arkansas depends on resources at command of the teachers; in Georgia, stories of early colonization and pioneers are used; in Kentucky much biography is used; in Mississippi, a few schools use the Historical Society Publications; in North Carolina Stories from North Carolina Histories; in South Carolina, authorized library list includes Colonial Days in Virginia, Carolina and Maryland; Kateechee of Keowee; Indians of South Carolina; The Swamp Fox; Horseshoe Robinson; Making of South Carolina; Civil Government of South Carolina; Palmetto Stories; South Carolina Women in the Confederacy, etc., etc.; in Tennessee, Historical Stories by Karnes and Mrs. Bond are most used; Magee's and Garrett and Goodpasture's books are also used, the former in primary, the latter in secondary schools.

IS WORK ENJOYED BY TEACHERS AND PUPILS?-In Alabama, "It is generally not enjoyed, lack of trained teachers makes it uninteresting;" in Arkansas, "Yes, when proper preparation has been made, otherwise no;" in Georgia, "Yes," in Kentucky, "Very much;" in Mississippi, "Not as it should be, too much attempted in short time, supplementary work neglected;" in North Carolina, "Generally not enjoyed, no adopted text, books inferior;" in South Carolina, "Children generally prefer it to United States History.—as names of men and places are familiar it seems more real to them;" in Tennessee, "Yes, if the teacher knows how to make the subject interesting."

IS IT WORTH WHILE?-From Alabama comes the response: "Yes, if conditions can be remedied;" from Arkansas, "Decidedly, yes, even the poorest teachers get some good results;" from Georgia, " Decidedly, yes;" from Kentucky and Mississippi, "Yes;" from North Carolina, "It is well worth while;" from South Carolina, "It is, it impresses

children with the responsibility of maintaining the reputation and honor of their State;" from Tennessee, To be sure."

A careful study of these facts will show that South Carolina and Mississippi represent two extremes in their attitude towards State history. South Carolina devotes two sessions with three thirty minute periods a week besides special work on the subject in the ninth grade. Mississippi devotes only three or four months with five twenty minute recitations a week.

Time will not permit me to speak more fully on the results of this comparative study. There are other important facts which should be briefly presented in conclusion:

1. No State in the Union is totally oblivious to the importance of teaching its history. The New England people doubtless contend that they have a more effective way of reaching these results than do the other States. It must be noted in this connection that their work is being done at much greater expense than in the South.

2. A knowledge of State history is necessary in the trainThe trouing of children to be future citizens of the State. ble with State history in Mississippi is not the fault of the subject, but of the meager attention which it receives at the hands of our teachers. As is intimated in my "Teacher's Handbook of Mississippi History," recently published, there are three radical defects in our work. In the first place, our recitation periods are totally inadequate. In the second place, Mississippi history has been used " Merely to fill whatever vacant place may be found in the curriculum after all other subjects have been provided for." In the third place, we have neglected parallel reading. Historical work that is confined entirely to any one text is uninteresting if not repulsive. If a child reads only one account of an incident, he will have only the opinion of that author; if he reads two accounts, he will doubtless have the opinion of two authors; if he reads several accounts he will undoubtedly form his own opinion, and this is the only kind of history work that is of permanent value.

It is hardly necessary to add a closing argument that local history fosters local patriotism. There is little hope for a man who bestows all his affections on the general government and has little love or concern for his own locality. In the words of one of the greatest teachers of history which Massachusetts has given to the country, the late Prof. Herbert B. Adams: History, like charity, begins at home.

The best American citizens are those who mind home affairs and local interests. The man's the best cosmopolite who loves his native country best.' The best students of universal history are those who know some one country or some one subject well."

Let us train our children to repeat in all sincerity the words uttered by Senator James Gordon in his celebrated farewell address recently made in the United States Sen

"I love Mississippi because it is my home. A man always loves his home a little more than any other place. I love the particular spot where I live better than any other spot, and you do the same. We have there ties of friendship and love and everything that we have not anywhere else."

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February 2, "The University of Manchester;" on March 2 will appear "Oxford University."

-In the "Columbia University Quarterly" for December is printed the inaugural address of Ernst Daenell, Kaiser-Wilhelm, Professor for 1910-1911. In discussing the subject, "The Courses of the World's Trade from the Sixteenth to the Twentieth Century," he deprecates what he regards as the undue emphasis laid upon each successive nation that enjoyed leadership, and would mark the "periods in the history of the world's trade" according to the "great originating forces." For the sixteenth century these were: the international commercial individualism of the Germans and Italians, the medieval collectivism of Spain, and state governments; for the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the state governments (mercantilism); for the nineteenth, to about 1875, the doctrine of individual freedom (free trade); lastly, protection, resulting in imperialism. And which way things will take nobody as yet can predict."

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It will mark an era in the social life of the Chinese." The article is of interest to the student of the conditions of medieval Europe.

-Professor George Hempl, of Stanford University, explains in Harper's Magazine for January how he came to decipher the Phaestos Disk, discovered in Crete, and dating not later than 1600 B. C.

"The Most Critical Episode in the Civil War," in the "Independent" for January 5, is a description, by Charles Francis Adams, of the forty days between September 14 and October 23, 1862, when the English ministry was favorably considering the recognition of the Confederacy. According to Mr. Adams, who is a son of our minister to England at that time, the project was postponed by Palmerston as a rebuke to Gladstone, although both were in favor of it. Once postponed, the project never again became feasible.

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Cluny we find no evidence for the connection of the Cluniacs with the reform of Gregory VII. . . . The only part she can be said to have played in preparing for the reform of Gregory VII was an indirect

one."

-The "Nation" for February 2 contains an editorial commendatory of the following resolution, passed at the last meeting of the American Historical Association: "The American Historical Association, concerned for the preservation of the records of the national government, as muniments of our national advancement, and as material which historians must use in order to ascertain the truth; and aware that the records are in many cases now stored where they are in danger of destruction from fire, and in places which are not adapted to their preservation, and where they are inaccessible for administrative and historical purposes; and knowing that many of the records of the government have in the past been lost or destroyed because suitable provision for their care and preservation was not made, do respectfully petition the Congress of the United States to take such steps as may be necessary to erect in the city of Washington a national archive depository, where the records of the government may be concentrated, properly cared for, and preserved."

needs, they not only instigate official remedies, but invite co-operation from private citizens and organizations wishing to do definite social service. The greatest social settlement work ever conceived is that of the school where principal and teachers are in sympathetic touch with children and their parents. It is a topsy-turvy world where, as in most American cities, ten or fifty private citizens are interested in the criminal, the feeble-minded, the indigent and the aged infirm for every private citizen intelligently interested in public schools. Proper proportions will never be restored until school men and school women assume the responsibility which is theirs for leading their communities-furnishing most of the evidence, a great part of the inspiration and the working centers-in movements classified as social service, uplift and civic betterment.

It is a result, not an accident, that during seven years as President of the United States Theodore Roosevelt did not discover the United States Bureau of Education. It is a result, not an accident, that President Taft in his recent message of 22,000 words made no mention of the United States Bureau of Education. It is a result, not an accident, that when the leading social workers of the United States set out to further the health of children, they first overlooked and then repudiated the United States Bureau of Education. Instead of using an ex

Recording History isting agency that was in touch with 500,

FOR HISTORY TEACHERS

BY WILLIAM H. ALLEN PH.D., BUREAU OF MUNICIPAL RESEARCH, NEW YORK.

Civic Education Through Public Schools. The public school is just as potent for civic mis-education as for civic education; an unclean school atmosphere is not only a non-conductor of clean air precept, but an active conductor of disease and enervation.

No system of moral instruction in schools can ever offset the antimoral conduct of those schools which neglect the health of school children and school teachers, waste teacher's time, child's opportunity and taxpayer's money, or set a bad example to other public agencies by claiming immunity for mistakes and exemption from criticism. The educational influence of the school, like that of the individual whom it wishes to prepare for citizenship, is to be measured by what it does and gets done rather than by what it says and hopes. For example, to test the schools work for public health, one must learn the result of three distinct kinds of civic education which it is under obligation to give: (1) Training of individuals in personal hygiene; (2) training of voluntary groups for efficient team work in promoting public health; (3) training of individuals and groups to secure proper official action in protecting and promoting public health.

When the public schools explain to their communities their health work and health

000 school teachers, 50 state superintendents and hundreds of city superintendents of education, they asked for a new children's bureau.

It is an anomalous and abnormal situation where Y. M. C. A.'s can raise money from religious philanthropists on the plea that they have to do educational work because the public schools break down. It is a defective ideal of both school work and social work where an outside visiting teacher takes the place of the inside teacher who visits her children at home and her children's parents. We have made a fair trial of that ideal of school management which distrusted the general public and believed the safest public was that which knew least and asked fewest questions about schools. That ideal has failed. We must now seek after the ideal outlined by Commissioner Snedden, of Massachusetts, and so practically avowed by Chicago's woman superintendent, where the safest public is seen to be the best-informed public, and where every public school gains the citizen support which it seeks and deserves.

The following suggestions, taken from the health field, may be made to local schools wishing to increase their power for civic education:

1. Ask for a State law on medical examination of all children, teachers, janitors, buildings and grounds in all school districts, public, parochial, private, rural and urban. 2. Teach personal hygiene by relating it to community hygiene.

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