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AMERICAN ANNUAL REGISTER,

FOR

THE YEARS 1827-8-9.

HISTORY OF THE UNITED STATES.

CHAPTER I.

State of Parties-Principles of Administration-Of Opposition-Poli tical aspect of Country-Elections in 1827-20th Congress-8th of January-Execution of Militia-men-Retrenchment Committee-Report of Majority-Of Minority-Reform-Party Violence--Defeat of Administration-Retirement of Mr. Adams-Character of Administration.

THE parties, which had been in a state of developement during the two first years of Mr. Adams' ad. ministration, became, shortly after the adjournment of the 19th Congress, distinctly arrayed against each other, and the lines of demarcation were plainly drawn between them.

It had been for several years, somewhat difficult to ascertain from the party denominations by which public men were known, the political principles they professed. Upon the general disbanding of the federalists as a national party, they amalgamated with their opponents; VOL. III.

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and although in some states they still acted together for local purposes, and in other states their former leaders kept aloof from public affairs, the old lines of party division were gradually obliterated, and no difference of principle apparently existed between parties, which had been so lately engaged in the most vehement political warfare. The name was indeed often applied as a term of reproach to some of the temporary and local parties, which occasionally appeared in opposition to those, who held the reins of government in the larger states; but its existence as an active party con

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tending for power being at an end, its defence was left to those who had in a great measure retired from public life; and its character, which had fallen in general estimation from the factious conduct of its leaders during the late war, was committed to the tender mercies of its opponents.

This state of things, as it was suggested in a former volume, had a tendency to lower the standard of qualifications for official station. The general character of public measures did not furnish any distinct grounds of dispute. All parties acquiesced in the same course of policy; and the leading motive to enter into the political arena, and the ultimate reward of a successful career, were the honours and emoluments of office. A disposition to yield their own convictions, to flatter the prejudices of those, who possess. ed the power of dispensing patronage, was too manifest among the candidates for public and official favour. The number of rival candi. dates had increased, and as but one avenue to power promising suc. cess was open, their pretensions brought them into constant collision with each other, and rendered them too apt to play the courtier with the people, and to resort to those arts and intrigues to gain the suffrages of the electors, which in other coun. tries are employed to obtain the support of a minister, or the favour of a monarch's favourite.

These circumstances, whilst they impaired the sincerity of public men, and degraded the standard of moral and political qualifications, also rendered the people at large less able to ascertain who, among the several candidates presented to their choice, were the best repre. sentatives of their principles and their opinions. A class of men were thus found in public life, ready to trim their sails to the varying gale, and representing their own interests rather than any set of political principles. These men did not indeed compare in number, and still less in character, with those who obtained the favour of their fel. low-citizens by the force of their talents, and preserved it by their public services; but still they formed an important part of the political machinery of the country, and be. ing in greater force at this period than usual in the federal and state legislatures, they constituted a sort of mercenary corps, which preserved its neutrality until its junction with one of the contending parties could clearly decide the contest in its favour.

This state of things rendered the success of an administration of the government upon the principles adopted by Mr. Adams, extremely problematical. At the commencement of his term of office, he had declared his intention to follow the general outlines of policy, which had characterized the administra

tion of his predecessor. This imposed on him, in some measure, the necessity of continuing in of fice those who had been previously appointed; and adopting as a general rule, that he would remove no man except for official misconduct, and to regard in his selection of candidates for vacancies, only their moral and intellectual qualifications, he voluntarily relinquished the support which he might have de. rived from executive patronage, and placed the success of his adminis. tration simply upon the merit of its principles and its measures.

No very great difference of opinion existed as to the principles which were to be carried into practice in the management of the foreign relations of the United States. The strong national feeling produced by the late war with Great Britain, had extinguished those foreign partialities which had previously been the reproach of the prevailing parties, and no American statesman, whether in the ad. ministration or in the opposition, could hope for the support of his countrymen upon any other ground than a steadfast and resolute main. tenance of the national interest and honour. It did, indeed, constitute a portion of the charges against the administration, that with Brazil this principle was lost sight of; and that in its discussions with England concerning the West India trade, it was too strenuously

insisted upon: but no one denied the propriety of the principle, although it was controverted that it had been properly applied. No such agreement existed as to the domestic policy of the government. A difference of opinion as to its constitutional powers, necessarily produced disputes concerning the measures to be pursued. While one class of politicians asserted that the general government was instituted for national purposes, and that it possessed all the implied powers necessary to effect the objects which the constitution had placed within its jurisdiction; another class contended that the pow. ers must be specifically granted, that these powers were limited to the enumerated objects, and that the practice of exercising constructive powers was subversive of state sovereignty. The states, they said, were independent, and as distinct sovereignties they had framed a federal constitution, reserving to themselves all the powers not specifically granted by that instrument.

It was asserted in opposition to this, that the federal government was instituted by the people of the United States, and not by the states in their sovereign capacities-that the states never were distinct and independent, but on the contrary, they were distinct only while colo nies-that their independence had resulted from their union, and that, in fact, they were united as one

representatives from the southern states had generally ranked themselves among those, who contended for the less liberal view of the powers of the federal government. Whether it was owing to the peculiar character of the states, which from their stationary condition did not require that active care from the national government, that was demanded in other portions of the country where the population was increasing, and the resources more rapidly developed; or to an apprehension, that the general government might at some future period interfere with the rights of the slave. holders; certain it is, that a strong jealousy of its powers had always been manifested by the representatives from the planting states. the other hand, except when under the influence of strong temporary excitement, the eastern states, from their extensive commercial relations, have always felt the necessity of having a government which could make itself respected abroad; and the enterprising character of their inhabitants gave them a strong interest in every institution, which could add to the resources or the strength of the Union. The middle states, also, entertained warm attachments to the federal government, although peculiar circumstances, arising from the character of state parties contending with more than ordinary acrimony Experience had shown, that the for local offices, had often placed

nation, and had incurred all the obligations growing out of a state of war-had contracted alliances and debts, and pledged their faith as one people, anterior even to the establishment of the state governments. The federal and state governments were equally established by the people, and written constitutions framed, defining their respective powers. The federal go. vernment, it was true, possessed only enumerated powers; but it was instituted for the purpose of superintending national objects, and was invested with the necessary powers to accomplish that general end.

In announcing in his inaugural address his intention of pursuing the policy adopted by his predecessor, Mr. Adams had indicated his resolution to construe the federal constitution as authorizing appropriations by congress, for the internal improvement of the country, and the passage of the laws for the advancement of national interests. This declaration was justly regarded as an expression of his preference of the federal to the antifederal construction of the constitution; and being amplified and carried into detail in his opening message to the 19th Congress, tended to rally all those who insisted on the narrow construction of that instrument in opposition to his administration.

New-York and Pennsylvania in the opposite scale. The unsettled condition of the western states, had prevented their taking any part in the contest respecting the powers of the federal government until the present time; although, growing up and acquiring the character of states during the predomi. nancy of the democratic party, their representatives had generally professed the same principles. The contest, however, was then concerning the conduct of our foreign relations, and the domestic policy of the country was overlooked. A new era had now commenced, and the relations of parties had materially changed. To the inhabitants of the western, and to many of those of the middle states, the political questions were entirely new. They related to the domestic policy and to the constitutional powers of the federal government. The present administration had now assumed a distinct character. The attention of the government, during the administrations of Jefferson and Madison, had been so much engrossed by disputes with foreign powers, that no distinct home policy had been adopted. During Mr. Monroe's administration, its attention had been partially directed to the internal condition of the country; but certain doubts in the mind of the President, and a constitutional hesitation or infirmity of purpose,

prevented the policy he had adopted from being carried into complete effect. No such complaint could be made, concerning the domestic policy of the present administration. It had a distinct and strongly marked character. Adopting as a general principle that the federal government was one of limited powers, but estab. lished for national purposes, the President proceeded to enforce upon congress, the necessity of exercising its constitutional powers in passing laws to promote the improvement of agriculture, commerce and manufactures; of the internal communications between different parts of the Union; for the advancement of literature, the progress of the sciences; and to establish on a stable footing, those national institutions which had been commenced by his predecessors. This plain and explicit avowal of his principles, drew upon the administration the hostility of most of the representatives of the southern states; and their opposition to its policy and doctrines was not a little stimulated by their sectional prejudices against its head.

A portion of the opposition, indeed, was already committed in favour of the power of the general government to make appropriations for internal improvement; but the charge of the corrupt origin of the administration and its recommendation of

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