fectly cool. There was not one gesture on her part to aggravate the situation. I may say here emphatically in the face of the world, we have no hatred in our hearts, and France will do everything she can. She will use every means to prevent between Germany and herself a recurrence of these bloody conflicts. She wishes for nothing else but that the two peoples should be able to live side by side in the normal conditions of peace.

But after all we have no right to forget. We have no right to abandon ourselves. We have no right to weaken our position; and were it only because we must avoid giving rise in the bosom that would only be ready to take advantage of it, to give rise to certain hopes that would be encouraged by our weakness.

PART OF GERMANY WARLIKE STILL Gentlemen, I spoke a few moments ago of the moral aspect of disarmament, and I referred in my remarks to Germany. I do not want to be unjust; nothing is further from my mind. But we know there is in Germany-there is one part of Germany that is for peace. There are many people, especially among the working classes, who want to work, who have had enough of this war, who have had enough of war altogether and are most anxious to settle down in peace, and also to set to work. We shall do everything to help that Germany, and if she wants to restore her balance in the bosom of a pacific republic and democratic institutions, then we can help her, and we shall all be able to contemplate the future with feelings of security.

But, gentlemen, there is another Germany, a Germany which has not changed her mind and to which the last war has taught no lesson. That Germany keeps thoughts in the back of her mind; she has the same designs which she entertained before the war; she has kept the same preoccupations and she cherishes the same ambitions as the Hohenzollerns did. And how can we close our eyes to this? How can we ignore this state of things? This, gentlemen, is happening at our very doors; we have only got to look. This is happening but a few miles from us, and we follow the thoughts of the Germans, or certain Germans, and the evolution which is taking place. And more than that, we have witnessed certain attempts to return to the old state of things.

Nobody could be mistaken about the real bearing of what was called the Kapp Putsch. We know very well that if it had succeeded Germany would have returned to her pre. war state, and we do not know what might have happened-or rather we know too well what would have been the consequences of such a state of things.

READS FROM LUDENDORFF BOOK Gentlemen, a volume has been published by no less a man than Field Marshal Lu

dendorff, who still enjoys great authority in many German circles, and who is followed by a great part of the élite in Germany-professors, philosophers, writers, &c. What do we read in this book? Gentlemen, I should not like to make too many quotations. I should not like to prolong this speech, and perhaps draw too much of your attention, but this is part of my brief, and if you are, like me; convinced that the moral element is of the utmost importance, you will allow me to read just two or three passages. This is the first quotation:

"It is necessary that we should learn to understand that we live in a warlike time; that struggle will remain forever, for the single individual as for the State, a natural phenomenon; and that the struggle is equally on the divine order in the world."

In the same book Marshal Ludendorff produces these terrible words of von Moltke on the 11th of December, 1919:

"Eternal peace is a dream. It is not even a beautiful dream, and war is one of the parts of the order of the world, such as it has been created by God. It is by war that are developed the noblest virtues of man, courage, disinterestedness, devotion to duty and the spirit of sacrifice, up to the abandonment of one's own life. Without war the world would sink in the morass of materialism."

And further-this is Marshal Ludendorff himself speaking now:

"It is for the political education of the German people, and it is an indispensable notion with the knowledge of this fact, that in the future war will be the last and the only decisive means of policy; that thought, completed by the virile life of war, the Entente shall not be able to forbid the German people to entertain, although they are trying to take it away from us. War is the cornerstone of all intelligent policy. It is the cornerstone of every form of future even, and chiefly of the future of the German people."

And, lastly, Marshal Ludendorff says this:

"The warlike qualities of the Prussian and German army have been put to the proof on the bloody battlefields. The German people need no other qualities for their moral renovation. The spirit of the former army must be the germ which will allow this renovation to take place.'

Such, gentlemen, are the words used by the highest German authorities who have preserved and I can quite understand it, the full part, the great part at least-of the confidence of the German people, and that is what we are listening to now. After a war that has caused the death of millions of men, after the sore wounds that have been inflicted and that are still bleeding in the sides of the countries of Europe, that is the sort of thing that is being taught at the very door of France. How can you expect that France should close her eyes to such words?

GERMANY'S POTENTIAL SOLDIERS

I now come to the physical aspects of disarmament. I can quite understand that somebody might say it is not sufficient to harbor evil designs, to make war one must have appropriate means, because when it is a question of war enormous effectives are necessary; you must have the officers and noncommissioned officers, you must have plentiful material-rifles, guns, machine guns, artillery, &c.—and Germany has no longer any of these.

Germany, from the point of view of effectives, just emerging from the war, from a war where her men have been fighting for four years-and I should be the last to underestimate the valor of her soldiersour soldiers have had to face and to fight the German soldiers, and they know to what point the German soldier is able to carry his heroism; but Germany, just issuing from the war, still has 7,000,000 men who have fought through and survived the war. Of course you will say they are not actually serving under the flag; they are not living in barracks. Certainly. Have these men any officers and noncommissioned officers ready to be marshaled to the field? Is it possible to mobilize such an army tomorrow?

But

To this question I answer "Yes," and I am going to explain it. Since the war, since the moment peace was signed, Germany has constituted a force, a so-called police force, which was intended for the maintenance of public order. That force is called the Reichswehr. It is to include 100,000 men, and in fact does include 100,000 men. what men? They are nearly all officers or noncommissioned officers. I mean, gentlemen, regulars, all having served in or having belonged to the old army. Therefore, the cadres are ready there; the officers and noncommissioned officers are ready to marshal the army of tomorrow.

And what is that army? Is it in conformity with the requirements of the peace treaty? Is it only for purposes of public order? No. There are a certain number of those of which I have to express the state of facts as they are.

According to secret instructions i.sued by the military authorities the Reichswehr is to prepare not only for police purposes, but also for war, and is to train for war, with the necessary rehearsals and manoeuvres.

There is something more. Germany has another denomination. There is another group called Einwohnerwehr. This group

includes almost all the men of good-will who are ready to serve their country in time of need, and instead of using it only to preserve internal order, it might be used for other purposes.

The danger was so real that the Allies were obliged to send an ultimatum to Germany to demand that this force should be disarmed.

RECOGNIZES WIRTH'S GOOD-WILL

At another moment, under an organization called the Orgesch, which is the organization of war, the Einwohnerwehr acquired such strength and became such a threat that the Prime Minister of Bavaria, animated by a spirit of revolt, informed the world that he had at his disposal and he could raise in a short time an army of 300,000, plentifully provided with rifles, machine guns and artillery. Well, that force has been disorganized. The German Government has done its duty, and nobody more than myself is ready to recognize it.

It is only a duty on my part, a mere duty; a mere sense of fair play. I stated it in my own parliament. I am ready to recognize that the German chancellor, Chancellor Wirth, is a man of good-will, animated by fair purposes, loyal and frank, and that he has applied every endeavor, acting with no small merit on his part, in order to really realize a state of peace, and honor the signature of Germany.

But this Government in Germany is weak. It is being watched. Snares are laid in its path and it might fall at any moment. I may say that on our side we are ready to do everything in order to allow this great people to return to normal conditions of peace, and the German Government, as I said, dissolves the Einwohnerwehr.

There is something else, gentlemen. There is another force, which is called the Sicherheits Politzei. That is also a police force. It includes 150,000 men. These are enlisted men. The force is composed almost exclusively of regulars, officers, and noncommissioned officers or at least noncommissioned officers ready to undergo a new period of military service. We demand the dissolution of this force, but what happened? The Sicherheits Politzei disappeared, but another appeared in its place-Schutz Politzei; but it was just the same. That included 150,000 men. So that instead of its being a local police force, it became a general police force at the disposal of the Central Government that could be used anywhere on German territory; so that we come to a total of 250,000 men, and enough men that are real officers, ready to marshal the troops who are training to be ready instantly in case of war. These men are constantly watched by the Government.

The Government keeps them under its hand. These 7,000,000 men have not returned to civil life, to civil occupations entirely. They are grouped together, in this marvelously ingenious way which the German people always have when they want to achieve their purposes. They are called Frei Corps, or former combatants' associations, and what not. Any day, any anniversary-and Germans are rather fond of anniversaries-is favorable in order to convene these men and marshal them to see

that you have got them under your hand ready to do the work that is to be done.

MOBILIZATION FOR SILESIA

We are Frenchmen. We know this. It is happening at our door. And I will only give you an example to show you how rapidly these organizations might be put on a war footing. Just one second. When the Upper Silesian question reached a somewhat acute stage recently, within a few weeks, I might almost say within a few days, there were, out of these Frei Corps or other bodies, about 40,000 men ready with guns, machine guns, rifles, armored trains, and with most perfect military instruments, so that this force should have its full combatant value.

These are facts, gentlemen. I am not noticing them and bringing them here just to make my case better. They are facts that have been verified, and that everybody can ascertain for himself. Therefore, as a question of fact and from the point of view of effectives, Germany can rise in a few weeks, and perhaps almost in a few days, and can begin to raise her 6,000,000 or 7,000,000 men with their officers again and the noncommissioned officers are ready to do the work.

Now I must ask the great people of the United States, so fond of justice, so noble in their purposes, to answer me when I tell them this: Suppose by your side, oh, American people, a nation which has been for years and centuries in bloody conflict with you; and suppose that this nation, you feel, is still ready, morally and materially, to enter into a new struggle. What would you do?

Would you turn away your eyes? Would you close your eyes to a danger that was threatening you? You that are said to be such a positive, such a precise people, would you close your eyes? Would you not desire to do everything in your power in order to safeguard your life, and, what is more, your honor? Would you do anything to weaken yourselves? No. There is not one citizen in the whole United States who would not answer me: "No; never in the world."

She

France is looking upon what is happening. France does not exaggerate. is only watching and waiting.

I now come to the question of war material. We have been told that there was no more war material. It is true; the commission of control in Germany have done admirable work. A great many guns-artillery, I mean-have been destroyed. Some of the destruction has been supervised by the allied officers. It is real.

Other destruction has taken place, as we have been told. We might have a doubt. We are not quite certain. But we must give the opponents the benefit of the doubt, and we believe the destruction on that side is practically completed.

WAR INDUSTRIES AVAILABLE

But the problem of war material is one that can easily be solved. You have seen, in the war, with what promptitude-and that was lucky, because if the help had not come so quickly we might have been down, finally you have seen how quickly immense armies have come over to us, provided with the most modern material, and fought on our sides upon the battlefields.

Well, what is Germany but a vast country or industry-industrially organized? Germany always had two aims. The first was trade, commerce. And that is only natural. The second was war. All her industries, all her manufactures, have been working to the full during the war, and they have developed since.

Everything is ready in Germany. The plans, the designs and calibre. Everything is there ready to insure a steady manufacturing of guns, machine guns and rifles. Suppose that during a period of diplomatic tension, purposely protracted for a number of weeks, certain of the manufacturers, certain of the works, begin to fabricate, just at the beginning, just to start the war, just to set the war going, and then go on manufacturing guns and rifles and artillery; what would happen? It is not only in Germany that industry can work to the full. You can make preparations outside. In fact, preparations have actually taken place. In fact, great captains of industry or great industrial magnates have bought important firms in Scandinavia and in other parts of Europe.

It is easy enough to fabricate these guns without our seeing it, outside of our supervision. You know very well that it is possible to build great railroads. You know very well that it is impossible to bring here the proof that Germany is not actually making or purchasing war materials.

It is different from the navy. It is rather difficult to lay the keel of a ship in the stocks, to prepare the dockyards without the world knowing it. But suppose that was possible. Do you think you could launch a capital ship without somebody being on the spot and knowing what was happening? But the guns, the rifles, the machine guns-any instruments used on the field of battle-they can be manufactured and cannot be controlled with any measure of certainty.

Ah, gentlemen, this is not the first time in history that France has had to face a situation of this kind. We have known Prussia disarmed. And disarmed by whom? By Napoleon. Well, that Prussia, which seemed practically disarmed, which harmless to all intents and purposes, we found her again on the battlefield and we were nearly bled white. How can we forget that?

was

Of course, we know what is often said of the French people. It is often said that

we are a frivolous nation and that naturally when the danger is passed we turn our minds to other things-just as befits a frivolous people. Evidently, gentlemen, we are not the sort of men to keep our eyes steadily fixed on whatever is sad and depressing.

We have not been doing that since the war, but we have been too deeply wounded, I might almost say murdered, to forget the direful lesson which has just been taught us. Gentlemen, there are too many homes in mourning in the country, there are too many men in the streets that are disabled and maimed. Even if we wanted to forget, we could not.

Therefore we have not the right and we do not intend to leave France defenseless. France must, to all intents and purposes, protect herself.

Such is the situation as far as we are concerned. You will grant me, gentlemen, that it is serious enough. But that is not all. What about the rest of Europe? Apparently Europe is at peace, although here and there on the ground certain volumes of smoke just arising seem to indicate that the fire is not extinguished everywhere. I might say that this fire is smoldering in certain parts of Europe, and if France had not had an army war would already have broken out in Europe again.

I will just draw your attention to one subject to which I may refer later on, and that is the subject of Russia. Russia is a country of 120,000,000 men, which is actually boiling over with anarchy. They have an enormous standing army, which is in theory 1,500,000 men, but which has a practical strength of 600,000 men. What will Russia do? Who can say what will happen on that side?

About a year and a half ago there was a wild rush of Russia on Europe. Russia tried to rush Poland, and through Poland to reach Germany, where some people were beckoning to her. Gentlemen, we had at that time terribly anxious hours in France. If the barrier had not held good, if that anarchic army had been able to join the people who were calling them on the other side, what would have happened? Where would France be, and where would the rest of Europe be? Happily, there was the French army, which was the soldier of order for its own account and for the sake of the world.

The situation in Russia is far from being settled. It is a sort of permanent anxiety to everybody. What will become of that enormous army? What could, or might, Germany do in order to equip Russia and There are so exploit her? We know not. many problems, economic, financial, &c., with which we have to deal that really, gentlemen, we do not know to which to turn, but the greatest problem of all, the greatest question, is life.

First of all we must be able to live. That is a sort of a question mark in France.

Thanks to our allies, to whom our gratitude will remain everlasting-thanks to their efforts we have been able altogether to insure the life, liberty and dignity of men, but, gentlemen, I trust you will certainly feel the weight of my argument and recognize that we are faced with a terribly serious situation.

When we say we contemplate a reduction of naval armaments, when we discuss it with ourselves, heart to heart, we could have nothing in our minds. We were speaking between friends. There is no threat of war; if there is any menace to peace it is so far distant that you can hardly conceive it, and yet you have not assumed the right of ignoring this danger altogether. You intend to keep your navies to the extent necessary to defend your liberties and insure your life.

FOR PEACE BUT NOT PERIL

I

If you do that, gentlemen, on the sea, what shall we do when the danger is there at our doors and hanging over our heads. I may say that I have always been in favor of peace; I have assumed power for the sake of peace in very difficult conditions. Where my country was feeling natural impatience at the state of things, I formally attached myself to the cause of peace. fastened my heart on that noble task, and I may say that if ever peace is to be disturbed in the world, I shall not be the one to disturb it. But, gentlemen, precisely be cause I have urged everybody on the road of peace, because I have done everything in my power in order to obtain peace, I feel all the more the great weight of the responsibility which I have assumed, and if tomorrow, because I had been too optimistic, I saw my country again attacked, trampled under foot, bleeding because I had weakened her, gentlemen, I should be a most despicable traitor.

It is that situation which we have got to take into account, gentlemen, and the weight of the responsibilities with which we are burdened.

Only the other day the course of events turned in such a way that it certainly became acute, as you know, in Upper Silesia. I have already referred to this subject. Germany, which did not think the French people were ready to undertake a military operation, suddenly informed us that she was going to send the Reichswehr to the spot in Upper Silesia in order to preserve order.

These were momentous times for us, and although I have been through many critical times in my life, I may say that no hour was perhaps of more importance than that, and that I clearly and definitely made up my mind, and I told Germany that such a thing was not possible, and that if Germany undertook a thing of the sort she would have to bear the consequences and the language was understood.

But, gentlemen, if I had spoken without having the French army back of me, what would my words have availed? And if the event had actually taken place, what would have become of Europe itself? Europe is still in a troublous state. It is composed of young States, newly come to life. Who could say to what such conflict might have led?

That is the problem and that was the problem, and the struggle did not take place because it was felt that there was still a sufficient force in Europe and in France to preserve order.

Quite recently another attempt has been made, a certain attempt at the restoring of the old order of things in the centre of Europe, that might have set fire to the powder magazine again. Nothing happened because the Allies were in perfect understanding and the incident was peaceably settled.

Gentlemen, I give you these reflections for you to ponder over. You will see that there is nothing in that that would draw us aside from the path that leads to final peace. I apologize for having been with you so long and for having so trespassed upon your attention. Perhaps at another time the President will be less inclined to allow me to speak.

ARMY TO BE CUT BY HALF

The thought of reducing the armaments, which was the noble purpose of this conference, is not one from which we would feel disinterested from the point of view of land armaments. We have shown it already. Immediately after the armistice demobilization began, and demobilization began as rapidly and as completely as possible. According to the military laws of France there are to be three classes of men: that is, three generations of young men under the flag. That law is still extant; that law is still valid. It has not been abrogated yet, and the Government has taken the responsibility to reduce to two years the time spent under the flag, and instead of three classes-three generations of young menwe have only two undergoing military service.

It is, therefore, an immediate reduction by one-third that has already taken place in the effectives-and I am speaking of the normal effectives of the metropolis, leaving aside troops needed for colonial occupation or obligation imposed by treaty in the Rhineland or other countries and plebiscites.

We do not think that endeavor was sufficient, and in the future we have plans in order to restrict further the extent of our armies. In a few days it is certain that the proposals of the Government will be passed in the chamber, in order to reduce further the military service by half.

That

is to say, there will be only one class and a half actually serving. The metropolitan French army would be, therefore, reduc by half, but if anybody asks us to go

ther, to consent to other reductions, I should have to answer clearly and definitely that it would be impossible for us to do it without exposing ourselves to a most serious danger.

66

You might possibly come and tell us this danger that you are exposed to, we see it, we realize it and we are going to share it with you. We are going to offer you all means-put all means at your disposal in order to secure your safety."

Immediately, if we heard those words, of course, we would strike upon another plan. We should be only too pleased to demonstrate the sincerity of our purpose. But we understand the difficulties and the necessities of the statesmen of other countries. We understand the position of other peoples who have also to face difficult and troublous situations.

We are not selfish enough to ask other peoples to give a part of their sovereign national independence in order to turn it to our benefit and come to our help. We do not expect it; but here I am appealing to your consciences, if France is to remain alone, facing the situation such as I have described, and without any exaggeration you must not deny her what she wants in order to insure her security. You must let her do what she has to do, if the need arises and if the time comes.

I should be the last one here to try to restrict the noble endeavors which are being made here in order to limit armament in the conference which has been convened, with such noble purposes in view; and should like to be able to say that I foresee no limit, no restriction to your labors and to the results which you may achieve. Any question here can be debated and can be resolved upon, but I must draw your attention to one thing: moral disarmament of France would be very dangerous.

SHUNS MORAL ISOLATION

Allow me to say it will be most unjust. We do not enjoy the sufficient condition. We should be ready to do it, but the time has not come yet to give up our defense for the sake of final peace in Europe.

We have to know, however, that France is not morally isolated; that she still has with her the men of good-will, and the hearts of all people who have fought with her on the same battlefields. The true condition of a moral disarmament in Germany-I mean to say I am referring to these noxious elements of which I have already spoken-the true condition at this time of disarmament in Germany lies in the fact that it should be known over there that France is not alone, and then I feel quite sure that the poisonous propaganda of which I have spoken will simply run up dead against the wall; that it will not be able to go through, and that nobody anywhere will believe in it.

If those that still harbor evil designs know that, and if those that entertain