was modeled on the government of the Venetian oligarchy. A narrow oligarchy of statesmen has endeavored to direct the affairs of the British Empire ever since, although in course of time considerable changes were made whereby Cabinet government was modernized. These changes, however, were trifling compared with the fundamental alteration just effected. The time seems near when the government of the British Empire will no longer be the prerogative of Englishmen, when the British Empire may have an empire Cabinet in the fullest sense of the word, presided over by a Canadian or an Australian, an Afrikander or a New Zealander. In addition there ought to arise an Imperial House of Representatives or, perhaps, two Houses comparable to those sitting at Washington. Last, but not least, it will be possible to transfer the seat of government of the British Empire from London to some town overseas. The time may come when Canada or Australia will be found more important than the United Kingdom as regards number of inhabitants, power and wealth. An Imperial Cabinet might conceivably determine to make Montreal or Ottawa, Sydney or Melbourne, the empire capital. Thus it will be possible to avoid friction and to rejuvenate the ancient fabric. Exactly as the Phoenicians transferred their capital to Carthage and as the Romans abandoned Rome for Constantinople, the increasing importance of overseas States may place

Canada or Australia at the head of the British Empire. Great visions are open to colonial statesmen who hitherto were immersed in narrow local politics, and the glamour of the empire should vastly increase their affection for it.

The reorganization of the empire will, of course, be of the greatest benefit from the economic point of view. The development of the British overseas States has lagged behind largely because the energies of the empire States were frittered away. A firm imperial union should lead to the rap

id development of the imperial resources. The empire lacks railways. Although its territory is more than four times as large as that of the United States, it has only about half as large a railway mileage. A great impetus to imperial development will doubtless ensue.

Men habitually speak of the ancient empire created by Great Britain. In reality it dates only from yesterday. Up to the Revolution of the American Colonies, the only important possessions of England were those which threw off their allegiance. Since their secession Great Britain has created a new empire. At the beginning of the last century Canada had only 240,000 inhabitants, and Australia was a desert which contained 6,500 whites. Since then England has acquired an empire inhabitated by nearly 20,000,000 white people. During the coming century the British overseas dominions may become great powers in the fullest sense of the word. A British federal union may arise which will not be inferior to the United States in power, wealth and promise.

The coming development of the British Empire upon those lines which have proved so succeessful in the United States should be of interest and of advantage to all Englishspeaking nations and to the world. Peace is the greatest asset of all the nations which have sprung from the narrow islands in the North Sea. The strongest guarantee of a world peace would lie in the cordial co-operation of the British Empire and the United States. The dominions are more democratic than England. The form of government of the British Empire promises to resemble closely that of the United States. The two great

federal creations and the two great English-speaking nations seem bound to draw together. Their co-operation is the hope of the world. Each of the two can learn much from the other. England and the British Empire have opened a new chapter in their own history and in the history of the world.

T

HE fact that at the Washington disarmament conference Canada is represented, not directly, but through a Canadian member of the British delegation, gives food for thought. As a Pacific power, with more than a thousand miles of seaboard and three important Pacific ports, Canada had a powerful claim to independent representation. In a recent article, Grattan O'Leary, an unusually well-informed correspondent, who accompanied the present Premier, Mr. Meighen, to London, pointed out an even stronger claim. "In any important conflict in that part of the world," he said, "Canada would be a probable theatre of war." The same writer, still more recently, has revealed some secret history which shows that the idea of a Pacific Conference originated with the leader of the Canadian Government at the Imperial Conference. Before he had been many hours in London, Premier Meighen came out strongly in opposition to a renewal of the Anglo-Japanese treaty. How he got the support of General Smuts and ultimately of Lloyd George and the majority of the Imperial Conference is now a matter of history. He won his point, but his suggestion that a Pacific Conference be held by Great Britain, Japan and the United States to clear up Pacific problems was rejected by Great Britain on the ground that such a conference would not meet with the approval of Australia. This decision, it should be pointed out, was made without consulting Australia, which was believed to be strongly in favor of the renewal of the alliance.

Canada's right to be heard in the Washington conference has been acknowledged by the appointment of Sir Robert Borden, the Canadian exPremier, as a member of the British delegation. Canada, however, received no official invitation to attend the conference as an independent nation. This fact has a direct bearing upon the whole question of Canada's status as a nation. There was a strong feeling in Canada that the Dominion should have separate representation at the conference, and also a feeling that it was Premier Meighen's own fault that no direct invitation from President Harding was received at Ottawa. It was felt that if Canada had had her own plenipotentiary at Washington, representing her as a distinct nation, the result would have been quite different.

An effort to have a Canadian Ambassador sent to Washington was begun about three years ago, but no action has yet been taken, though the Ottawa Government has declared at intervals that an appointment would be made. Premier Meighen has stated unofficially, since his return from London, that the Dominion will before long be represented at the United States capital. Why has the appointment been so long delayed?

This is a difficult question to answer definitely. In the first place, it is generally understood that the appointment was offered to Sir Robert Borden and to the Hon. Newton W. Rowell, but rejected by both. The scope of the position was not definitely described until this question was taken up by Mr. Meighen recently with the authorities in Downing

Street. When the appointment was first announced it was stated that the Canadian plenipotentiary would be accommodated at the British Embassy, and that he would be a "second in command," who would act as British Ambassador in the latter's absence. Premier Meighen has received assurance that no other dominion will regard direct Canadian diplomatic representation at Washington as any slight upon itself.

If the right man could be got for the position, Premier Meighen would almost certainly make an early appointment to the post. Viscount Bryce, who was British Ambassador at Washington from 1907 to 1913, has been quoted to the effect that 90 per cent. of the business transacted at the Washington Embassy appertained to Canada. This emphasizes This emphasizes Canada's dominant importance, and not only indicates why opposition to the appointment was withdrawn by representatives of the other dominions, but also proves the importance of securing the very best talent in Canada for the post. The man who takes this position must not only be a diplomat-in the broadest sense of the word-but he must have a definite grasp of commercial problems. Perhaps if the position were now offered to Mr. Rowell or Sir Robert Borden, one or the other might accept; it is indisputably true that there are literally scores of men who feel themselves qualified for the job, and from whom ready acceptances could be obtained.

One thing is clear-the relations between Canada and the United States are becoming closer and closer. Ten years are a comparatively short time in the history of a nation, but certain changes have taken place in this decade which would make impossible today the success of any such slogan as "No truck or trade with the Yankees," which was current in 1911 when the Reciprocity Treaty was rejected by Canada. Canadians have recognized that there must be "truck and trade with the Yankees; the import figures

each month for several years have driven this home. The fact that the Canadian dollar is worth only 85 or 90 cents in New York has further emphasized this. Closer commercial relations, despite tariff bars, appear inevitable.

One of the ties which bound Canada to Great Britain in pre-war years was a financial bond: hundreds of millions of pounds were borrowed by Canada to aid in the upbuilding of Canadian industries. The Dominion's borrowings in London have dwindled to petty driblets, and the money needed is now being obtained in New York.

It is

These are potent commercial and financial reasons for a closer relationship between Canada and the United States, but politically and sentimentally there does not appear to be any cleavage with Great Britain developing. Nor does there appear to be public opinion of importance looking toward separate nationality. true that there are certain elements which have been preaching for years even more radical doctrines than those enunciated by Mr. Meighen in London. There was for two years in existence a paper called The Canadian Nation, which advocated a more complete national entity for Canada. This paper, ably edited and backed by John S. Ewart, K. C., attained a circulation of about 2,000. It suspended publication a few months ago.

There are influential newspapers in Canada today which advocate more complete Canadian autonomy-such dailies as The Manitoba Free Press and The Toronto Star. But even the editors of these papers, and citizens who think along their lines, are very definitely autonomists - not separatists. It would be difficult to find in Canada any potential public opinion of importance seeking a separate nationality.

The attitude of French-speaking Canada toward the British Empire can be expressed very briefly. The French Canadians say in effect: "We have no desire for a change. We are satisfied with our treatment under the

British flag. Our language and our civil and religious rights are adequately safeguarded under existing conditions. Any change might make us worse off; it is not readily conceivable that we would be any better off.' Since the passing of Goldwin Smith, nearly ten years ago there has been no voiced plea for annexation. Goldwin Smith and certain other Canadians of a past generation believed that the lines of communication must inevitably run north and south on this. continent, and made the deduction that Canada's logical destiny was as an integral part of the United States. While traveling throughout certain portions of Western Canada, where the influx of American settlers (chiefly agricultural) has been very heavy during the past ten or fifteen years, one may occasionally hear a discussion as to the value to Canada -and to the United States-of annexation, but such discussions do not usually go very far. During the last twelve months the writer has traveled between 15,000 and 20,000 miles in Canada, visiting such far-separated cities as Halifax and Prince Rupert, and not once has the question of annexation cropped up.

Just exactly what the extent of Canada's participation in empire

councils should be it would be difficult to ascertain by consulting an average Canadian. Many would undoubtedly reply that things are going along quite well now; why worry? The question of Imperial Federation had arisen before the war, but the war dragged forth into a glaring light the question of future imperial relationship. In a letter to the writer, in 1919, Viscount Bryce discussed this point as follows:

It seems to me that the position of Canada and the other great dominions will

be worked out more clearly in practice than can now be laid down by any theory. The British Empire, or British Union of Commonwealths, whichever we may call it, has been worked out in practice, like so many institutions of our race, and if it had been attempted to prescribe future developments by means of formulas, we should not have had the results which have been so happily attained hitherto.

The value of an imperial council seems to reside in the fact that it would not interfere in any way with Canadian self-government, but would provide ample opportunities for an exchange of views between the Government of the mother country and its public opinion, and the Government and public opinion of the dominions, so that each would understand one another more perfectly than they do now, and that it should be made more certain that their joint action should represent the common will and purpose of both.

We in Britain ought to know all that the dominions feel about foreign policy, and the representatives of the dominions ought to have the fullest opportunity for expressing their views. Similarly, the British members would communicate our ideas to the Governments of the dominions and their peoples, so that the action to be ultimately taken should, so far as possible, represent that which is common to both.

Canada is content--and very content-to remain as an integral part of the British Empire, a dominion on a status of equality with the mother country and the other dominions. Thus she will fulfill her destiny-a destiny which Sir Auckland Geddes described as that of an interpreter between the two great Anglo-Saxon nations. Again using the words of the British Ambassador at Washington, Canada's task is to build the bridge of understanding between England and the United States. Canadians are divided upon many topics, but on this they think, speak and act practically as one; Canada desires to remain a British dominion. What this means Canadians do not ponder very deeply; the fact itself is sufficient.

HE United States, according to census figures given out at Washington Sept. 26, 1921, had a population of approximately 105,000,000, which included 171,649 Chinese and Japanese. Canada, with a population which the recent census is expected to show at not more than 8,500,000, nas a Chinese and Japanese population estimated at 65,000about 40,000 Chinese and approximately 25,000 Japanese.

The United States (particularly that portion of it which is known as California and Washington) has for some time considered that it has an Oriental problem on its hands. Yet, in proportion to the population, the Dominion of Canada has nearly five times as many Orientals as has her great neighbor to the south.

Of the Orientals resident in Canada, British Columbia has probably 90 per cent. of the Chinese and Japanese, and practically 100 per cent. of the Hindus-or about 63,000 in all. As the present census may give British Columbia in the neighborhood of 500,000 people, this means that oneeighth of the population of Canada's Pacific province is already Oriental— and growing! That in itself is serious, whether this population remains a quiescent entity, abstaining from all claim to political or civil rights, or whether it bestirs itself actively to obtain these rights. California became hysterical in 1919 when it found every thirteenth child of its population to be a Japanese.

Historically the development of

Oriental immigration to Canada differs sharply from the trek of Europeans to this dominion. The Government frankly sought and paid for Slav and Swede and Mennonite. From 1901 to 1905 Canada spent $1,445,000 on United Kingdom immigrants. On the contrary, a head tax of $50 was imposed on Chinese in 1885. was increased to $100 in 1901 and to $500 in 1904. In the period from 1886 to 1919, inclusive, Canada derived from this tax the enormous sum of $20,537,961. The year before last more than $2,000,000 was taken, and last year $500,000.

This

Despite this head tax, the influx of Chinese into Canada during the last twenty years has far exceeded that of the other two Oriental elements, Japanese and Hindus. From 1900 to 1907 it ceased temporarily, but it began anew and reached its peak between 1910 and 1914, when more than 30,000 Chinese came to Canada. The war again interrupted it, but from 1918 to 1919 about 4,300 entered. The total for the twenty years mentioned was 37,913. This total, however, is much larger than it seems, for many of these belonged to the exempt class-merchants and their wives and children, consular agents and their families and staffs, teachers and men of science. Many also were Chinese returning from visits to China under what are known departmentally as C-19 registrations. None the less, as I shall show, the Chinese problem in Canada is serious.

Of the other races involved the