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dinals to summon them to the Vatican since the election of Urban VI (1378)
dle of the Chapel, on a table, stand two And yet any Roman Catholic of legal
In one of them the ballots are age may aspire to the Papacy. Since the cast; in the other they are placed when election of Adrian V (1276), however, counted. Each cardinal deposits his no one not a priest has been elected, and ballot, repeating at the same time this
formula: “Testor Christum dominum qui me judicaturus est, me cligere quem secundum Deum judico elegi debere"that to say, "I call to witness the Lord Christ, who will be my judge, that I am electing the one who, according to God, I think ought to be elected."
The ballots are cast. In the corner of the Chapel is a small stove in which they are afterwards burned. Straw is used to make the smoke from the chimney dense, and so a sign to those outside that a vote has been taken. If thick smoke does not appear at the usual time for voting, the crowd outside assumes that a Pope has been elected. The final votes are burned like the rest, but no straw is used in the burning, hence the smoke is white.
A two-thirds vote is necessary to elect. As soon as an election occurs the successful candidate announces his acceptance of the office and the cardinals then conduct him to the altar, robe him in Papal garments, and do homage to him. The wall is torn down and a cardinal announces the Papal election to the people outside.
When the present Conclave ts, it will have chosen the two hundred and sixtieth successor of St. Peter.
EDITORIAL CORRESPONDENCE FROM WASHINGTON
BY ERNEST HAMLIN ABBOTT
I. THE OPEN DOOR-A FACT OR A MOTTO?
S I approached the news-stand I Of course Administrations differ in this the assumption that in any dispute over saw that the newsman was talk- respect. Under President Roosevelt, the property rights between their nationals
ing across the counter to a cus- American Government took care to see in a foreign country and the nationals tomer; and when I caught his words he that American citizens in foreign lands or the government of that country, their was in the middle of a sentence:
were protected; but even then when own nationals are to be defended. This "... when I was in the Philippines. John Hay sent his famous telegram, has led to what has been termed "ecoAnd do you suppose the Government “We want Perdicaris alive or Raisuli nomic imperialism," and in certain would do anything to help me get home? dead," and thus secured the release of cases to the extension of political power Not on your life! And that was where an American citizen from captivity by over alien lands. the American flag flew. Just the same a Moroccan bandit, he called his mes- If all peoples of the world were in Shanghai. Just the same in Mexico. sage a "concise impropriety." Under equally civilized, the extreme American If you get into any difficulty don't ex- President Taft, Mr. Knox, as Secretary policy could with safety, and in fact pect to get any help from the American of State, followed a policy of supporting, with general benefit, be universally Consul. No, sir! No use to see him. to some degree at least, the commercial adopted; but there are great areas of You go to the British Consul. 'Evening interests of Americans in China; but he the world in which the people are unStar'? Yes, sir; that's right. Two did not fare altogether well, and was civilized or in a primitive stage of civilicents."
criticised by his own fellow-countrymen zation; and there are areas in which That, in the terms of one man's ex- for pursuing what was called "dollar the people, though possessing a highly perience, states fairly well the reputa diplomacy." Under President Wilson, developed civilization in some respects, tion which the American Government Mr. Bryan reversed that policy and fol- lack a stable or trustworthy government has for looking out for the welfare and lowed a course which was widely under- with which the governments of other interests of American citizens in foreign stood as virtually notifying all Ameri- peoples can deal or on which they can countries. There is a saying to this cans that if they set foot on foreign soil rely. It is because most of Asia which effect: "If you want information, call they did so at their own risk. No other is not colonized by Western Powers is on the German Consul; if you want pro- great country has ever had a policy like such a region that the nations now gathtection, call on the British Consul; if that. On the contrary, nations which ered at Washington are engaged in tryyou want a drink, call on the American are strong enough to do so make it a ing to solve those problems that are Consul." Like all current sayings, it is practice of standing behind their na- grouped under the term Far Eastern significant as evidence, not of the truth, tionals (that is, their subjects if the Affairs. but of what is commonly believed to be nation is a monarchy, their citizens if The anomaly of this Conference (one the truth. American travelers or resi- a republic). They not only undertake that could not well have been avoided) dents abroad do not expect their Gov- to see that the right of their nationals is China. She is both doctor and paernment to stand by them as the British to life and liberty is preserved, or if tient. She is one of the sovereign naGovernment stands by British subjects. violated is vindicated, but also act on tions engaged in discussing the prob
lems; and yet she has a Government so feeble, so entangled with itself, so corrupt, so incompetent, that it has occasioned the very problems under discussion. In fact, the problems there would be more easily solved in some respects if China had no government at all. The status of foreigners and foreign interests has been complicated by the fact that in some cases these foreigners, in other cases foreign governments their behalf, have entered into agreements with such government as China has had, or with Chinese officials or provincial authorities. Many of these agreements are of long standing and form the basis of commercial and social life. Some of them have been secret. Some of them were imposed upon the Chinese against their will; others were welcomed by the Chinese as preferable to the arbitrary dictates of their own corrupt officials. But, just or unjust, they constitute a body of restrictions that make it impossible, as long as they last, for any government that China may have to exercise freely the functions of sovereignty. Furthermore, so disorganized is China that there is no universal agreement as to what China is. Does China include Tibet? It does, according to the “Constitution" of the Chinese “Republic;" but according to the practice of other nations, the British, for example, it in fact does not. Mongolia—is that a part of China? One of the Japanese delegates was asked that question, and he declined to commit himself. How about Manchuria? The Japanese acknowledge that to be a part of China, for their claims to certain rights in Manchuria rest upon agreements they made with the Chinese Government under Yuan Shi-kai. If, however, ruling authority is the test, it might be quite as accurate to say that the region around Peking is a part of Manchuria, for a large part of northern China is under the domination of the Manchurian general, Chang Tso-lin. Under such conditions the nations that place their power behind the claims of their own subjects or citizens are bound to be in conflict with such authority as China has and with one another. America has citizens in China, but has never uniformly and persistently put force behind their claims. It is true that at the time of the Boxer outbreak America joined with other nations in restoring order; but even then she did not keep all the money that was paid by China to her as indemnity, but returned to China all that was not needed for reimbursement for loss, as she did in a similar case concerning Japan.
As a consequence, the United States is trusted in China as is no other country, but American interests suffer from a certain disadvantage.
For a nation, under such circumstances, to back its nationals "to the limit” means war. There is only one alternative; that is to adjust the differences and to come to some agreement.
It is precisely this alternative that the loss of what Japan as a late comer this Conference is attempting to adopt into the enterprise of getting spheres of as a policy for all the nations involved. influence in China has gained. The ob
That, however, is not a simple and jections raised in this Conference to any easy task. It means that all the inter- plan which might occasion doubts about ested nations must join in the under- existing privileges have been chiefly taking. It cannot be carried through raised by Japan. if one holds out.
Some of those privileges, however, Even then the task is not really under have been secured since the time when way. If all the nations with interests John Hay obtained from all the Powers in China should honestly attempt to co- interested in China assent to his Open operate in adjusting their conflicting in- Door Doctrine. This policy announced terests, they would simply be forming a anew here at Washington is not new. combination to exploit China, dividing It was established by Mr. Hay and rethe spoils, but rendering China more iterated by the agreement jointly signed than ever helpless. They cannot really by Mr. Root (Mr. Hay's successor as begin to find a solution for the prob- Secretary of State) and the then Japalems of the Far East unless they find nese Minister to the United States, Baron a way by which China herself can be- Takahira. In the later Lansing-Ishii come responsible for fulfilling her side Agreement it was, in Japanese opinion, of each contract. There must not only modified, because that recognized that be a square deal among the Powers, but Japan had special interests in China. also a square deal to China. They must Whether modified or not, however, it hold China's government to account for has not been uniformly observed. what it does; but they must also give Japan's Twenty-one Demands upon China a chance to secure a government China constituted an open disregard of that can be held to account.
the principle. Unless, therefore, the At this Conference the tendency is to Powers are to revert to the cutthroat do just this. It might have been to form competition that was making of China an international syndicate, a sort of a mere prey and was leading to conflicts corporation of nations, to take over the and inevitable war, they must stop seektask of doing for China what she has ing special monopolistic privileges, and been unable or unwilling to do for her- they must let everything they have done self. That, however, is not what these or hereafter do be known to the world. nations have done. The evident purpose The Open Door, if it is to be a fact inis to make every arrangement with the stead of a motto, involves, then, the object of assisting China ultimately to double policy of self-denial and publicity. take upon herself the authority and re- To make the policy of self-denial sponsibility that has been distributed effectual the Conference, after a long among many hands, Chinese and for- discussion, evolved from a proposal by eign.
Mr. Hughes 'a resolution consisting of Of the nations represented here, the three articles. By the first the Western one obviously most reluctant to commit
nations and Japan agreed not to seek or herself to practical measures for carry- support their nationals in seeking any ing out this plan is Japan. For this
general superiority of rights in China, reluctance it is hard to blame her. By or such monopoly as would deprive her nearness to China she has a great other nationals of the right of underadvantage which other nations do not taking any trade or industry or would possess. With the collapse of Russia
frustrate the practical application of and with the elimination of Germany as equal opportunity. Of course this would a dangerous competitor in Shantung,
not apply to patents or copyrights, as Japan has a chance for exploiting China was made plain by an additional senwhich she does not eagerly forego. In tence. By the second China bound herfact, she made the best of this advan- self to observe this principle in dealing tage during the World War. One can with all foreign nations. By the third recognize this fact and at the same time the Conference arranged for the estabacknowledge the sincerity and common lishment of a Board of Reference to sense of those Japanese who say, as did which disputes concerning conflicting the Japanese Ambassador to the United claims could be brought for investigaStates, Baron Shidehara, the other day: tion and not decision but report. A
fourth resolution, providing that exist. Apart from any sentiment in the
ing claims could by common consent be matter, it is directly to Japan's interest to associate herself with the other
brought before the Board of Reference, Powers in agreements tending to
was withdrawn by a British delegate stabilize China's domestic as well as (Sir Robert Borden) when Japan obher foreign relations. . . . By making jected. Inasmuch, however, as nothing the Open Door and equal opportunity prevents any two parties to a dispute a fact instead of a motto, as Mr.
from bringing an existing claim before Hughes has said, Japan cannot fail to
the Board, anyway, the withdrawal was be benefited as well as China, and by
significant only as an indication that regulating and making public established rights in the future the dan
apparently every nation (certainly Great gerous system of seeking improper
Dritain as well as America) was willing advantages will be terminated.
to refer to the Board its existing claims
as well as any future claims it may have, There are Japanese who take this except Japan. broad view and yet are reluctant to risk Then the Conference proceeded to
apply this principle of equal opportunity through self-denial to the specific question of railway management. Within a nation's sphere of influence in China its nationals might easily be made the beneficiaries of discrimination in rates or facilities. Indeed, the charge has frequently þeen made that on the South Manchuria Railway, which is under Japan's control, Japanese receive privileges which are denied to other na. tionals. So all the nations, including China, promised not to exercise or permit unfair discrimination on the railways in China, in particular in respect of nationality as to passengers, or origin or destination of goods, or of the ship on which they may be conveyed after or before transportation on the railways; and all these Powers agreed that any question of such discrimination might be referred to the Board of Reference. At Mr. Hughes's suggestion, the nations recorded their hope that all the railways (now under diverse control, some of them under foreign ownership and management, some Chinese Government lines) would ultimately be unified into a system under Chinese control.
(This, by the way, does not include the Chinese Eastern Railroad, which is a problem by itself, for it was built by Russia as a continuation of the TransSiberian Railway, is owned mainly (seventy-five per cent) by French stockholders, and is now under the control of an interallied commission headed by an American. This railway is still under consideration, with a view possibly to ultimate restoration to a regenerated Russia.
Having thus dealt with the policy of equality through self-denial, as I call it, the nations turned their attention to equality through publicity. After a prolonged discussion, which I have not the space here to report, the nations at the Conference agreed to publish all the agreements with China or concerning China of which they had knowledge, in so far as they affected China's international relations. Of course this does not include private contracts for the sale of ordinary goods; but it does include such matters as the sale of munitions, and of course all treaties or conventions between China and other nations, and treaties or conventions between foreign nations concerning China, or agreements between foreign nationals and the Chinese Government. There is a provision in the Covenant of the League of Nations for the publication of all future treaties; but the Washington plan concerns all treaties now in force, and includes such agreements to which private or porate persons are parties that are international in scope.
The resolution incorporating these provisions is elaborate and detailed. It provides that all such agreements shall be filed with the Secre. tariat of the Conference, and that China shall notify all these nations of any. agreement she or any local authority has with any one of them or any other foreign nation or any of their nationals.
(C) 1921 G. Prince. From an unpublished photograph
WARREN GAMALIEL HARDING
of the Armament Conference has been that of the man who called it. Mr. Harding has not driven; but he has led. There are some who believe that the best way to get joint action among men is for one of them to tell the rest what to do. Mr. Harding has never acted on that theory. In his home town of Marion he was a leader in local affairs because he could get men together to talk matters over and come to a common understanding for common action. In the conduct of his newspaper he secured co-operation by making his associates, as it were, his partners. Now he has acted in the same way upon seeing the need for joint action among nations. And because of his belief in the power of public opinion, he has secured, through the press (which as a newspaper man he values), the co-operation, not merely of statesmen, but of peoples. His belief in the usefulness of neighborliness he shares with what is called the average citizen. This is his one big contribution to the affairs of state And now Mr. Lloyd George follows him and talks in the same way of the proposed Conference at Genoa. The Harding Doctrine is spreading. And, having started this Conference at Washington, President Harding has stepped into the background and left Mr. Hughes to guide the assembled delegates in the attempt to make an international neighborhood out of the nations they represent.
And it invites other Powers to adhere to this agreement.
In the meantime the nations assembled here reverted to the policy of selfdenial and agreed not to support "any agreement by their respective nationals with each other designed to create spheres of influence or to provide for the enjoyment of exclusive opportunity in designated parts of Chinese territory."
So far as I have been able to learn at this time, the best friends of China are extraordinarily gratified by this record of progress. Not until now has there been in all of China's history so
concerted an action to end the rivalries and conflicts that have made of her an almost passive cause of war. The few who sneer at what has been done because of what has not been done are not serving China or the cause of international good will. It is true that all that has been done is as yet tentative. It is still in the committee stage. It has yet to be assembled into a common agreement.
One or two questions undecided can hold up progress on all the rest. The process of consulting in two or three languages is necessarily slow, par
ticularly when discussion has to wait for answers to inquiries sent by cable half-way around the world. This is not a congress or legislature. Nothing can be carried over the protest of a minority. Even when adopted here, each conclusion remains inconclusive until at least the Senate here and the corresponding authorities in other countries approve it.
Then the achievements of these past few days, obscured as they have been by public interest in other contemporary events, will be recognized as not the least among the products of this Conference.
II. THE NATIONAL AGRICULTURAL CONFERENCE
EGINNING with President Harding and virtually closing with
William Jennings Bryan, the first session of the National Agricultural Conference was furnished with one striking contrast. Mr. Harding, dignified, reposeful, suave, commanded by his bearing, his temperament, and his manner respectful and sympathetic attention and won approval. Mr. Bryan, by turns informal, oratorical, fiery, scathing, elicited applause, laughter, and even yells, and confirmed in the faith those who agreed with him. Mr. Bryan appealed to the narrow motive of class welfare by saying that there had been no time in thirty years when there had not been a Wall Street bloc; the difference being that, while the Wall Street bloc acted secretly, the agricultural bloc acted openly. Mr, Harding, on the other hand, appealed to the motive of National welfare by saying that the farmer's interest is a truly National interest, and not entitled to be regarded as primarily the concern of either a class or a section, “or," he added, departing from his prepared address, "a bloc." But that was not the only contrast in this the first conference of its kind.
The setting and the audience furnished a contrast quite as striking. The ballroom of the New Willard Hotel is not exactly one's notion of a normal farm environment. It isn't quite as ornate as the Clock Hall at Paris, where the Peace Conference sat, but its scheme of decoration hardly suggests the closeness to nature, the vigor of open-air life. the daily contact with hard reality, the virile struggle, that characterize the constant experience of men who are proud to be known as "dirt farmers." And the men who constituted that assemblage were in face and bearing typical of the multitudes who are to-day, as they always have been, the strength of this country. Here and there I could see a gray beard, but for the most part bronzed, firmly featured, clean-shaven faces set above strong, well-knit bodies. To look at these men was enough to confirm one's faith in the permanence of the Republic, If appearance was any guide at all, these three hundred men or so had qualities that explain the
Nation's stability-qualities of common sense, trustworthiness, persistence, intelligence, courage.
There was, however, a yet stronger contrast, but one not visible. These men came from every State in the Union. They represent fully one-third, perhaps more nearly one-half, of the population. Not all of them are "dirt farmers." Not a few of them are manufacturers or distributers. All, however, represent that part of the population whose livelihood depends directly upon agriculture and the callings allied with it. And these men, almost without exception, have been encountering conditions that literally constitute disaster.
It was during the first day's session that man after man reported agriculture carried on, not only without profit, but actually at a heavy loss. Potato growers and dairymen of the northeastern States, cotton planters of the South, farmers of the corn belt, people of the wheat country, stock raisers East and West alike have had to market their products at prices below cost of production and transportation, and all are facing conditions ahead of them that look still worse. In some
cases the farmers of entire communities have been virtually without purchasing power for two years. Contrast with that picture of conditions the tone of the spokesmen for these sections. In some other countries it would be the tone of Communism and even Bolshevism. Here the tone was that of sober, reasonable readjustment, fair dealing, and progress. Even the most radical measures of relief that anyone advocated were defended, not by means of a plea for class or group privilege, but by arguments for the removal of alleged exceptional disabilities. The most radical utterances came from the spokesman from North Dakota-the home of the Non-Partisan League—and from Mr. Bryan; and, though these utterances might be opposed on the ground that they were economically unsound, they could hardly be tolerated by the most tolerant of revolutionary Socialists,
What is certain to save such a situation is a sense of humor. No people with a sense of humor could find them
selves in the plight of Russia. If any American has a sense of humor, it is the American farmer. It was a Vermonter at this Conference who described the farmers' plight by the following story: A farmer drove to the town one evening in his buggy. He went to the general store, where he imbibed too freely. When he got into his buggy, the old mare lay down in her tracks. As he took up the reins he clucked and said, "Git up, there, Nell, or I'll drive right over you." The American farmer, said the speaker, is like the old mare. He left it to his hearers to infer that the rest of the country cannot go on till the farmer gets back on his feet.
The President's speech evidently made a great impression on his audience. Indeed, it was not so much a speech as a paper, read in even, distinct tones, without any effort at oratory. He pointed out that there were really two problems in the present state of agriculture. One was the problem of meeting an existing emergency; the other was one of providing a permanent modification of policy. He reviewed briefly the history of landownership, showing how “the ownership of the land became the symbol of favor and aristocracy, while the working of it was the task of menials," and how the soil has gradually been emancipated from this low estate. He urged changes in the law adapting credit to the farmer's turnover period, and giving the same access to ample capital which the business man enjoys. He indorsed the movement toward cooperative action in farm marketing. He urged measures to prevent fluctuations in production, possibly having in mind the principle of cutting down the peaks of production and filling up the troughs which was applied in the Conference on Unemployment. He suggested electrifi. cation of railways as a benefit to agriculture, and he definitely indorsed the St. Lawrence waterway project to extend the seaways to the inland of the continent. He urged reclamation and forestry. And he put before his hearers his estimate of the farmers' profession as calling for the highest intelligence, the greatest versatility, and the best training.
January 23, 1922.