In Forbidden Tibet!

THE first English wo

man to travel from India to the town of Gyantze through bleak Himalayan passes and across desolate Tibetan plains was Muriel Percy Brown, who made the mysterious trip with her husband, sent by the British Government to study the art of closed Tibet !

The Lama priest, keeping always to the left to stay on the Holy Way, the terrible solitude of the land, the huge stuffed dogs hanging from dimly lit passageways in the Tibetan monastery, the barbaric splendor of the costumes of the Tibetan servants, who courteously extend their tongues at full length

as they serve at table, the aristocratic delicacy and pallor and charm of the hostess herself, a lady from Lhasatell in fascinating revelations that adventure and strange exploration are today more entertaining than ever before. Read Muriel Percy Brown's "A Welcome Guest in Forbidden Tibet," in the March

ASIA

The American MAGAZINE on the Orient

More than 50 Illustrations "Stepping-Stones Across the Pacific, a Special Set of Unusual Photographs

The American Fish and the World Net By William Hard The titles assumed by Edmund Roberts, one of our earliest diplomatic representatives to Annam-when he found titles were essential there-were: "Edmund Roberts, of 'Portsmouth, Nashua, Concord,' and all other New Hampshire towns, and also of Merrimack, Ammonoosuc, Androscog gin,' and all other New Hampshire rivers, and also of Monadnock and Winnepesaukee' and all other New Hampshire mountains and lakes."

The Annamese acclaimed him one of the most titled noblemen that had ever visited them. Edmund Roberts thought this scheme out himself. But President Tyler later officially nominated Caleb Cushing as "Count Caleb Cushing" when accrediting him to the Emperor of China.

Are we following the spirit of George Washington today by avoiding our international duties in Asia and Europe? William Hard says we are not, but that if "in accordance with the precepts of George Washington we follow our noses simply and only in the direction of our own interests, we shall finally arrive via the way-stations set up for us in the Orient by Roberts and Cushing and Commodore Perry, at a vital and active concern with the policies in Europe of Lloyd George and of Poincaré and of Lenin."

A Fortnight on a Cargo-Boat By William L. Hall In the good junk Wings of Peace, rechristened Becky Jane, a missionary doctor and his wife set out for Suining, their future home in the interior of China. The story of their adventures along the way begin in the March number. Dr. Hall writes with vividness and dry humor of the boat and its primitive equipment, of the crew, of the military escort, of the turbaned river pirates who plot to secure his bales and boxes, when- But finish this tale yourself and read "A Fortnight on a Cargo Boat," by William L. Hall. Other Features in the March ASIA Conversations with a Kemalist Travels and Hazards in Central Asia By Ikbal Ali Shah Children of Moscow Slow Americans

By Demetra Vaka

By Anna J. Haines By Paul S. Reinsch Pictorial

King and Caliphs in Southern India

Do You Want to Go to the East?

Stay at home if you must, but travel with your eyes, mind and heart through the countries of the Eastern continent, made living and human in ASIA each month. This magazine is devoted to the joyous task of bringing the Orient to you through short stories, articles, stories of human achievement, photographs and illustrations that are unequaled.

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THE DILEMMA IN THE BONUS

I

F money is to be paid, either as a further compensation or as a free gift without thought of compensation, to the men who served in the American Army during the war, it cannot be snatched from the air. Even if the money is immediately secured by a bond issue or is taken from the sums which may be paid to the United States by the debtor nations of Europe, the burden upon the taxpayer will be only postponed; it will not be removed. If the money is to be raised by bonds, those who lend the money by buying the bonds will ultimately have to be repaid out of taxes; and if the money is paid from the amounts owed to the United States, it means that the tax burden which those amounts might lighten will remain unrelieved.

If the people of this country were convinced that the payment of a bonus to each of the men who served in the war was the best use that could be made of the money, there would be no complaint. The pressure upon Congress to pass a bonus bill has been met, however, by a pressure in the contrary direction. As soon as it was plain that a bonus bill meant more taxes, protests began to flood Congress.

A number of suggestions for the necessary taxes were made. Among them the following:

FEBRUARY 22, 1922

biles and gasoline would bear heavily upon the farmers, who are dependent more than ever before on their "flivvers" and their gasoline tractors, and are less able than ever to pay their present taxes. The tax on light wines and beer is of course opposed by the supporters of strict prohibition, for such a tax would involve relaxing the prohibitory laws.

Of all the taxes the most practicable seems to be the sales tax; but because that is very widely distributed it would arouse widespread opposition. Its very merit creates a difficulty.

In a long speech in the Senate Mr. Borah, of Idaho, discussed the bonus on Monday of last week. He estimated the cost of providing properly for the disabled soldiers alone as ultimately amounting to at least seventy-five thousand million dollars, and declared that any bonus to men of sound mind and body would cripple the Government's power to provide for the disabled. Moreover, he argued with force that to prevent, or even retard, the recovery of agriculture and commerce in this country by means of imposing new burdens upon agriculture and commerce would be to do a greater injury to the men asking for the bonus than any benefit which they might derive from it.

Perhaps men who went overseas and came back to find that in their absence some of their neighbors who escaped military service prospered, while they themselves lost their jobs, their energy, and their hope, will not be quick to respond to Senator Borah's appeal that "the situation which confronts this country at this time is more perilous and requires more consideration and more sacrifice at the hands of these young men than the distressful days in which they were in the camp;" but they may be led to realize that in asking for the bonus they are asking for something which will ultimately work to their own injury by preventing or greatly postponing the end of this period of unemployment, and they may be affected by the fact that what they ask for would inevitably lessen the power of the Government to do what it ought to do for their "buddies" who were wounded.

seem to have found to say against it is expressed by the New York "World" when it declares that the bill would never have passed the House if it had not been that its opponents had no reason for voting against it because they knew that it was unconstitutional.

This kind of thing is easier to say than to prove. We have, on the one hand, a declaration by the New York "World" that the Dyer Bill is unconstitutional. On the other hand, it is stated by the friends of the bill that its constitutionality has been recognized by the Department of Justice through Judge Goff and by Attorney-General Daugherty, and that the House Committee on the Judiciary was convinced that the bill is Constitutional and so declared.

The Supreme Court of the United States is the one and only authority on this subject, and the "World," like other people, might well await its decision before settling the matter offhand.

The bill provides fines or imprisonment for persons convicted in Federal courts of taking part in any act of mob violence which leads to the death of the person attacked; it forbids and penalizes also any interference with an officer protecting a prisoner from lynching; it penalizes the act of an official who fails to do his duty in preventing a lynching. It goes further also in providing penalties against States, counties, or towns which fail to use all reasonable effort to protect citizens against mob violence.

That lynching is a National, and not a local, offense may be argued from the fact that the reputation of the country at large suffers from acts of violence and barbarism. The Republican leader in the House said, "The finger or scorn of other nations is pointed at us for not taking steps to check . . . such frightful and atrocious crimes as burning at the stake." It is well also to remember that the usual emotional argument in favor of lynching, namely, that it is punishment for attacks women, loses most of its force when it is known that such offenses are, and have been for many years, responsible for less than a third of the total lynchings and that not a few of even the burnings alive were for quite different offenses.

upon

The ultimate way out from such a condition of affairs as this is through education and character building, but in the meanwhile we may well ask whether the States in which lynching most often

occurs are doing their best in education.

THE NEW HAGUE COURT

THE

HE first sitting of the Permanent International Court of Justice has taken place. It occurred at The Hague in the Peace Palace, erected by the gift of Andrew Carnegie.

The first question to be settled was that of an election of a President. It was decided that not only the eleven judges elected last September by the Assembly and Council of the League of Nations, but also four supplementary judges should participate in this election. The eleven judges are:

Viscount Finlay, formerly Lord High Chancellor of Great Britain.

André Weiss, Member of the Institute of France.

Commendatore Dionisio Anzilotti, Professor of International Law at the University of Rome.

Rafael Altamira, Senator of Spain and one of the original draftsmen of the fundamental statute of the new tribunal.

Ruy Barbosa, Brazilian statesman and law professor.

Max Huber, jurisconsult to the Swiss Government in international affairs.

B. T. C. Loder, member of the Supreme Court of the Netherlands and an eminent authority on maritime law.

Didrik Galtrup Gjedde Nyholm, of Denmark, President of the Mixed Court of Cairo, Egypt.

Yorozu Oda, Professor of International Law at the University of Kyoto, Japan. John Bassett Moore, former Councilor of our Department of State.

The four deputy judges are: Demetriu Negulesku, of Rumania, delegate to the League of Nations.

C. W. Wang, President of the Chinese Supreme Court.

Nikhaile Jovanovich, of Jugoslavia. Frederik Valdemar Nikolai Beichmann, of Norway.

These judges, chosen by the representatives of the fifty-one nations in the League, are to preside over a Court always open to settle disputes on the basis of law and justice rather than on that of diplomatic expediency. Moreover, the Court will be open not only to members of the League of Nations, but also to all states invited to join the League.

MAHATMA GANDHI

our delegates at the Conference, he would change the old so-called "Permanent Court of Arbitration," erected by the First Hague Conference (which was really neither "permanent" nor a "court"), into a real court of justice, to be always open, and to settle cases, not as subjects for diplomatic arbitral negotiations, but as cases to be judged solely by the strict application of rules of international law. The Second Hague Conference approved the project and established a court in all details with the exception of the choosing of judges. This detail has now been settled by Mr. Root, who, in his position on the committee of jurists chosen by the League of Nations to establish the new Court, succeeded in providing that the judges should be chosen by the Assembly and the Council of the League. Of course Mr. Root was asked to be one of the eleven judges. At his declination the invitation went to John Bassett Moore, a foremost American authority in international law.

Dr. Loder was appropriately elected President of the new Court. He will receive an annual salary of 15,000 florins (normally a Dutch florin is worth about forty cents) plus an allowance of 45,000 florins, while the other ten judges each draw 15,000 florins annually plus an allowance of 20,000 florins. These salaries are borne by the League of Nations.

The judges are to appear in blackvelvet robes, lined with black silk, with the collars trimmed with ermine. They will wear black-velvet berettas, similar to those worn by the judges of French courts.

The new Court will, we do not doubt, do two things; it will define what con

stitutes international law, and it will

apply fairly and fearlessly the principles of right and justice.

UNREST IN INDIA

WV

HAT is the difference between "nonviolent, non-co-operation" and "civil disobedience"? Mahatma Gandhi recently changed the first formula to the second in his propaganda for a larger share of self-government by the native people of India. The first formula indicates non-resistance or at the most passive resistance. Does the second go further? It certainly was so interpreted by the British authorities, for the India Office on February 7, according to Associated Press despatches, issued an official communication indicating "that it was the intention of the Government to adopt stern measures to suppress the campaign of civil disobe dience in India" and adding that "no Government could discuss, much less accept, the demands contained in the recent manifesto of Mahatma K. Gandhi, the Indian Nationalist leader."

Both phrases have unquestionably been used by Gandhi, although the second has been variously quoted as "civil disobedience" and "civic disobedience." Whether rightly or not, this has been interpreted by the Secretary for India, Mr. Montagu, as revolution, not evolution, and he laments that the people of India should think they could get selfgovernment by revolution. At the same time, it is reassuring to note, the Secre tary for India declares that the British Government is in favor of "swaraj" (the term used by the agitators for selfgovernment), but points out that to obtain the same kind of self-government that Canada has means to gain the same ability and restraint, and that this must be a gradual process.

The situation has changed definitely and hopefully since this utterance by a responsible representative of the British Government. It had been generally reported that the arrest of Gandhi had been ordered, on the ground that his new plan of civil disobedience involved encouragement of violence. The fact that now in India there is an alliance between Mohammedan revolutionary teachers and Buddhist revolutionary teachers had caused some fear as to the outlook. Wisely and sensibly, however, Gandhi immediately announced that he had decided to abandon his programme of civil disobedience for the present at least. As this decision was based on disapproval of two or three recent outbreaks of violence, in one of which seventeen native policemen were killed, it may be taken to indicate that Gandhi's real feeling is still toward a