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penalties. This election by the farm operator could be made only for a farm which received a 1965 farm acreage allotment and for which the farm operator for the current year was the operator in 1965 or is the heir of such operator. If an operator so elects to forgo price support on a farm, he would not be eligible for price support on any other farm in which he has a controlling or substantial interest as determined by the Secretary. Excess acreage so planted would not be taken into account in establishing future State, county and farm acreage allotments. 12. To facilitate transition from the equalization payment program in effect through July 31, 1966, to the new program, the Secretary would be authorized to extend the period for performance of obligations incurred in connection with payments made for the period ending July 31, 1966, or to make payments on raw cotton from the 1965 or prior crops held by cotton handlers at the rate in effect on such date.

13. Any producer who was prevented from planting cotton because of flood, drought, or other natural disaster would be deemed to have planted cotton for payment purposes provided the acreage was not subsequently planted to any price supported crop

for the year involved.

14. "Projected yields" per acre would be used as the basis for making payments. Generally, such yields would be higher than "normal yields" now in use. The projected yield for a farm would not, however, be less than the farm normal yield.

15. If for any year during the 4-year period the Secretary is unable to make payments as planned, he would be authorized to alter the program and carry out price support provisions through loans or by purchase and resale.

16. Payments earned by farmers could be assigned to persons from whom crop production loans are obtained.

AMENDMENTS NOS. 433 AND 434

Mr. CARLSON submitted two amendments, intended to be proposed by him, to House bill 9811, the Food and Agriculture Act of 1965, which were ordered to lie on the table and to be printed.

AMENDMENT NO. 435

Mr. BASS submitted an amendment, intended to be proposed by him, to House bill 9811, supra, which was ordered to lie on the table and to be printed.

AMENDMENT NO. 436

Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, on behalf of the Senator from Delaware [Mr. BOGGS], the Senator from Texas [Mr. TOWER], and myself, I submit an amendment, intended to be proposed by us, jointly, to House bill 9811, the Food and Agriculture Act of 1965. I ask unanimous consent that the amendment be printed in the RECORD.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. The amendment will be received, printed, and lie on the table; and, without objection, the amendment will be printed in the RECORD.

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the world, (2) the present and future requirements for such agricultural commodities in the United States and the world can be fully met, (3) the interests of taxpayers and consumers may be fairly safeguarded, and (4) the producers of agricultural commodities in the United States will receive a return on their investment and labor commensurate with their contribution to the national welfare. It is further declared to be the policy of the Congress to promote programs recognizing the necessity for consumers in this country to be assured an adequate supply of agricultural commodities of the best possible quality and at the lowest

possible prices. It is, therefore, the purpose of this title to provide for a study and investigation of the Federal laws and programs pertaining to agriculture with a view to revising and modernizing such laws and programs in order to achieve the policies stated above, and to provide for a better coordinated national food and fiber policy. "Establishment of the Commission on United States Food and Fiber Policy

"SEC. 802. In order to achieve the purpose set forth in section 1 of this joint resolution, there is hereby established a bipartisan

commission to be known as the Commission on United States Food and Fiber Policy (hereinafter referred to as the Commis

sion').

"Membership of the Commission

"SEC. 803. (a) NUMBER AND APPOINTMENT.-The Commission shall be composed of twelve members as follows:

"(1) Four appointed by the President of the United States, two from the executive branch of the Government and two from private life.

"(2) Four appointed by the President of the Senate, two from the Senate and two from private life.

"(3) Four appointed by the Speaker of the House of Representatives, two from the House of Representatives and two from private life.

"(b) POLITICAL AFFILIATION.-Of each class of two members mentioned in subsection

(a), not more than one member shall be from each of the two major political parties.

the performance of duties vested in the Commission, plus reimbursement for travel, subsistence, and other necessary expenses incurred by them in the performance of such duties.

"Staff of the Commission

"SEC. 807. The Commission shall have power to appoint and fix the compensation of such personnel as it deems advisable in accordance with the provisions of the civil service laws and the Classification Act of 1949.

"Expenses of the Commission

appropriated, out of any money in the Treasury not otherwise appropriated, so much as may be necessary to carry out the provisions of this joint resolution.

"SEC. 808. There is hereby authorized to be

"Expiration of the Commission

"SEC. 809. Sixty days after the submission to Congress of the report provided for in section 10(b), the Commission shall cease to exist.

"Duties of the Commission

"SEC. 810. (a) INVESTIGATION.-The Commission shall make a comprehensive study and investigation of all Federal laws and programs pertaining to agriculture, including all matters relating to the food and fiber policies of the United States and the effect of such policies on all segments of our society, with a view to revising and modernizing such laws and programs to achieve the aims set forth in section 701 of this title. In carrying out such study and investigation the Commission shall consider such matters relating to agriculture as it deems necessary or appropriate, but shall specifically consider, with regard to the various agricultural commodities produced in the various regions of the United States, (1) effectiveness of price support and production controls, including acreage allotments and production and marketing quotas, which may be in effect for such commodities, (2) the future requirements of the United States and the world for such commodities, (3) suitable uses for land which may not be needed at the present time for the production of such commodities, but which may be needed for such purpose in the future, (4) methods for effectively coordinating domestic agricultural policies with the export opportuni

"(c) VACANCIES.-Vacancies in the Commission shall not affect its powers but shall be filled in the same manner in which the ties for such commodities, (5) the effective

original appointment was made.

“Organization of the commission

"SEC. 804. The Commission shall elect a Chairman and a Vice Chairman from among its members.

"Quorum

"SEC. 805. Seven members of the Com

mission shall constitute a quorum.

"Compensation of members of the
Commission

"SEC. 806. (a) MEMBERS OF CONGRESS.— Members of Congress who are members of the Commission shall serve without compensation in addition to that received for their services as Members of Congress, but they shall be reimbursed for travel, subsistence, and other necessary expenses incurred by them in the performance of the duties vested in the Commission.

"(b) MEMBERS FROM THE EXECUTIVE BRANCH.-Any member of the Commission who is in the executive branch of the Gov

ernment shall each receive the compensation

which he would receive if he were not a member of the Commission, plus such additional compensation, if any, as is necessary to make his aggregate salary not exceeding $22,500; and he shall be reimbursed for travel, subsistence, and other necessary expenses incurred by him in the performance of the duties vested in the Commission.

"(c) MEMBERS FROM PRIVATE LIFE.-The members from private life shall each receive not exceeding $75 per diem when engaged in

ness of our present policies in the use of food and fiber internationally and how such policies might be improved, (6) the problems of rural economic opportunity in the United States, (7) the national requirements for the stockpiling of agricultural commodities, (8) import and export policies of the United States with respect to food and fiber and the effect of such policies on the foreign policy of the United States, (9) methods of extending and expanding programs under the Agricultural Trade Development and Assistance Act of 1954, as amended, without adversely affecting commercial markets, and (10) the need for consolidating the activities of the United States Department of Agriculture with other Federal agencies on the development of rural resources. The Commission shall also give particular attention to the formulation of programs to facilitate the economic adjustment of agricultural producers who decide to transfer to other occupations. Such programs may include, but shall not be limited to, retrain

ing programs, relocation allowances, assistance in obtaining alternative employment opportunities, early retirement, and provision for minimum compensation for land, dwellings, and equipment which such producers no longer want or need.

"(b) REPORT.-The Commission shall make a report of its findings and recommendations to the Congress on or before February 1, 1967, and may submit interim reports prior thereto.

"Powers of the Commission

"SEC. 811. (a) (1) HEARINGS.-The Commission or, on the authorization of the Commission, any subcommittee thereof, may, for the purpose of carrying out its functions and duties, hold such hearings and sit and act at such times and places, administer such oaths, and require, by subpoena or otherwise, the attendance and testimony of such witnesses, and the production of such books, records, correspondence, memorandums, papers, and documents as the Commission or such subcommittee may deem advisable. Subpoenas may be issued under the signature of the Chairman or Vice Chairman, or any duly designated member, and may be served by any person designated by the Chairman, the Vice Chairman, or such member.

"(2) In case of contumacy or refusal to obey a subpoena issued under paragraph (1) of this subsection, any district court of the United States or the United States court of any possession, or the District Court of the United States for the District of Columbia, within the jurisdiction of which the inquiry is being carried on or within the jurisdiction of which the person guilty of contumacy or refusal to obey is found or resides or transacts business, upon application by the Attorney General of the United States shall have jurisdiction to issue to such person an order requiring such person to appear before the Commission or a subcommittee thereof, there to produce evidence if so ordered, or there to give testimony touching the matter under inquiry; and any failure to obey such order of the court may be punished by the court as a contempt thereof.

"(b) OFFICIAL DATA.-Each department, agency, and instrumentality of the executive branch of the Government, including independent agencies, is authorized and directed to furnish to the Commission, upon request made by the Chairman or Vice Chairman, such information as the Commission deems necessary to carry out its functions under this title."

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ADDITIONAL COSPONSORS OF BILL, CONCURRENT RESOLUTION, AND RESOLUTION

Under authority of the orders of the Senate, as indicated below, the following names have been added as additional cosponsors for the following bill, concurrent resolution, and resolution:

Authority of August 31, 1965:

S. 2482. A bill to prohibit obstruction of the performance of duty by the Armed Forces by obstruction of the transportation of personnel or property thereof: Mr. Scott. S. Res. 142. Resolution proposing a study to determine feasibility of utilizing trade credits issued by the International Monetary Fund to facilitate international trade: Mr. BAYH, Mr. HART, Mr. LONG of Missouri, and Mr. SCOTT.

Authority of September 2, 1965:

S. Con. Res. 57. Concurrent resolution to recognize the World Law Day: Mr. CANNON, Mr. CASE, Mr. CHURCH, Mr. CLARK, Mr. DOMINICK, Mr. HART, Mr. INOUYE, Mr. LONG of Missouri, and Mr. MCCARTHY.

ENROLLED JOINT RESOLUTION PRESENTED

The Secretary of the Senate reported that on today, September 8, 1965, he presented to the President of the United States the enrolled joint resolution (S.J. Res. 53) to establish a tercentenary commission to commemorate the advent and history of Father Jacques Marquette in North America, and for other purposes.

"THE KINDLY CHARMER FROM VERMONT"-TRIBUTE TO SENATOR

AIKEN

Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, the Christian Science Monitor for Saturday, September 4, 1965, contains on its editorial page a brief article entitled "The torial page a brief article entitled "The Kindly Charmer From Vermont," written by Josephine Ripley.

In the course of the article-and it is really a splendid piece of newsmanshipMiss Ripley writes:

It was the birthday party for one of the Senate favorites. That quiet and genial man of few words, sound convictions, and unruffled good nature, Senator GEORGE D. AIKEN, Republican, of Vermont.

Some 70 Senators turned out for the occa

sion at the invitation of the party giver and hostess, Maine's Senator MARGARET CHASE

SMITH.

I would assume that that puts Senator SMITH in a class by herself and deservedly so, because in getting in excess of 70 Senators, which is more than the leadership can get on the floor of the Senate most of the time, Senator SMITH showed not only how high she rates in this body but how persuasive as well.

It has been said on occasion that sometimes Senator AIKEN says on the floor of the Senate what Senator MANSFIELD, of Montana, thinks. That is not true. But I am delighted to have this

Not only did the majority of the Senate join this special "third party" on August 20, but the topmost Democrat of them all, President Johnson, bolted too, for this occasion.

He decided that morning to join up. "Come along," he said to Mrs. Johnson in the casual fashion of a man whose wife is washing dishes with her apron on.

Anyway, it is reported that she quickly ran upstairs to change her dress. Lynda Bird came, too.

A Secret Service detail was rushed to the Capitol. The men were deployed on the main and second floors of the Senate side of the Capitol when I arrived.

Bewildered tourists were herded off. "You can't go to the second floor," they were told, as Secret Service men with outstretched arms fenced off the corridors.

I managed to squeeze by upon producing the typed invitation of Senator SMITH, apparently a then familiar admission ticket.

Upstairs the corridor leading to the walnut-paneled room where the luncheon birthday party was held was jammed with Members of the Senate.

It might have been a quorum call, with Senators stumbling over each other to answer it.

There was Senator DIRKSEN, his generally unruly curls carefully smoothed into place on this occasion. There was Senate Majority Leader MIKE MANSFIELD with a happy grin.

Senator MANSFIELD and Senator AIKEN are longtime breakfast pals in the Senate restaurant. It is a well-known bipartisan friendship.

A newspaper columnist noting these breakfast get-togethers recently wrote that Senator AIKEN often says on the floor of the Senate what Senator MANSFIELD is thinking in private.

Senator AIKEN took note of this when he rose to speak. He was interested to learn that he was Senator MANSFIELD's spokesman, he said. "Senator MANSFIELD's speeches will be briefer from now on," he wisecracked.

All those sitting at the head table-Senate leaders of both parties-had a birthday wish of good will and friendship as they rose at Senator SMITH's invitation to "say a word." Others present said it in song: "For he's a jolly good fellow * * which nobody can opportunity to express on the Senate deny, which nobody can deny." It was loud floor, on the basis of my own thinking and strong. An unusual and touching triband through the use of my own voice, my ute to a respected Member. extremely high regard for a man whom I consider one of the outstanding Senators of this or any other generation, a man who has contributed much to the welfare of his State and country, a man who keeps his feet on the ground at all times, and a man whose counsel I cher

ish and value.

Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent to have this article printed in the RECORD, So that Miss Ripley's story will be given somewhat greater circulation.

There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows:

[From the Christian Science Monitor,
Sept. 4, 1965]

THE KINDLY CHARMER FROM VERMONT A third party sprang briefly into being in the Senate the other day. In fact, it took over. Members of both parties bolted to it in a happy merger.

It was a birthday party for one of the Senate favorites. That quiet and genial man of few words, sound convictions and unruffled good nature, Senator GEORGE D. AIKEN, Republican, of Vermont.

Some 70 Senators turned out for the occasion at the invitation of the party-giver and hostess, Maine's Senator MARGARET CHASE SMITH.

The President's arrival "for a bowl of soup," came at the end of the luncheon. The President, Mrs. Johnson, and Lynda Bird bore gifts-a set of presidential cuff links, two autographed books, an autographed color photograph of the President, an L. B. Johnson pen.

Senator AIKEN, whose shy enjoyment of the occasion was obvious, beamed. He couldn't resist a quip. "Glad to have this L.B.J. campaign pen," he cracked.

It nearly broke up the President who exploded with laughter.

It was that kind of a party, with good will and good humor a constant theme.

After it was over, Senator after Senator was heard to say they had never known anything like this before. "Why don't we do this kind of thing more often?" they asked as they went back to the Senate Chamber to take their seats-the Republicans on one side of the aisle, Democrats on the other.

The answer may be, there's only one Senator AIKEN. Few men in the Senate are as highly regarded, as beloved as the kindly charmer from Vermont.

Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. President, will the Senator from Montana yield?

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from Montana yield to the Senator from California?

Mr. MANSFIELD. I am glad to yield to the acting minority leader.

Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. President, SenMr. President, Senators will applaud the sentiments which have been expressed by the leader of the majority in the Senate.

I have often said, and now repeat, the No. 1 Senator of the U.S. Senate is the distinguished senior Senator from Vermont [Mr. AIKEN]. On this occasion, I hope that I may be permitted to call him "Uncle George."

He is genial, yes. He is kindly, yes. He is helpful, yes. He is able to express himself in phrase and sentence with clarity, yes. No words are wasted by the Republican Senate dean. On occasion, he has been most vigorous as the exigencies of the moment required.

GEORGE AIKEN graces the U.S. Senate. I am most thankful that he sits on the Republican side of the aisle.

Mr. LAUSCHE. Mr. President, will the Senator from Montana yield?

Mr. MANSFIELD. I am happy to yield to the Senator from Ohio.

Mr. LAUSCHE. Mr. President, I fully subscribe to what the Senator from from California has just said. However, I wish that I could erase from my mind the initial contact I had with the Senator from Vermont when I was the Governor of Ohio and came to Washington to testify before a committee of the Senate over which the Senator from Vermont presided. With me was a union labor leader. Remember, I was the Governor. We came into the room and the Senator from Vermont went right by me the Governor-and shook hands with the labor leader and said to him, "I am glad you are here, Mr. Governor." I could not judge what was wrong; but, the next time I met the Senator from Vermont was when I went to the White House, shortly after I became a U.S. Senator. I was wearing my tuxedo

or

Mr. AIKEN. They were tails.

Mr. LAUSCHE. Yes, they were tails. So was the Senator from Vermont in tails.

Mr. MANSFIELD. The Senator from

guished acting minority leader, and the guished acting minority leader, and the Senator from Ohio, regarding the devotion to duty and service in the Senate of the distinguished senior Senator from Vermont.

It has been my privilege to serve on the Committee on Agriculture and Forestry with the Senator from Vermont since I came to the Senate, and I therefore know of his devotion and dedication to duty.

The Senator from Vermont attends to

his homework. He is a clear, articulate, and vigorous speaker.

His presence in the Senate makes it a better body.

Mr. CARLSON. Mr. President, will the Senator from Montana yield? Mr. MANSFIELD. I am happy to yield to the Senator from Kansas.

I am happy to yield

Mr. CARLSON. I associate myself with the remarks which have been made, first, by the majority leader, and then by other Members of the Senate on this happy occasion when we speak of the outstanding service of the Senator from Vermont and commend him for it.

The Senator from Vermont and I have been friends and associates for many years. We confer often on many matters dealing with agriculture. He is one of the outstanding agriculture leaders of the Nation. I have profited by his advice, not only on the subject of agriculture, but also concerning foreign relations, as I have the privilege to sit next to him on the Foreign Relations Committee. I therefore know that his advice is always sound and worthy of consideration-consideration I always give to what he tells me.

Therefore, Mr. President, it is a privilege to participate in this colloquy today. Mr. AIKEN. Mr. President, will the Mr. President, will the Senator from Montana yield so that I may say a word in self-defense?

Mr. MANSFIELD. Reluctantly.

Mr. AIKEN. I am so nearly speechless at this time that I do not believe I could even tell the Senate what the majority leader is thinking. Of course, I will not give up trying.

Ohio does not know the difference be- from Montana referred to the luncheon In a way, I am glad that the Senator

tween a tuxedo and tails.

Mr. AIKEN. He does not know.

Mr. LAUSCHE. I have not had them

on since.

To continue my story, I left the White House later and walked to the porch to hand my automobile ticket to the man who would get my car. I stood there waiting, when out came the Senator from Vermont and handed me his automobile ticket to get his automobile for him. [Laughter.]

Mr. President, the distinguished senior Senator from Vermont [Mr. AIKEN] is a worthy gentleman. I am glad that this colloquy will be placed in the RECORD. You are a great citizen and a great Senator.

Let me close by saying, "I forgive you, GEORGE." [Laughter.]

we had the other day, under the watchful eye, astute guidance, and loving friendship of the Senator from Maine [Mrs. SMITH]. Nor will I ever forget the distinguished visitors we entertained on that happy occasion. The President of the United States and his family were there. I am not likely to forget that the President took that occasion to say that he wished Congress to pass a certain bill, S. 1766, sponsored by 93 Senators.

At this point, we are waiting for the House to complete action on that bill.

I hope House Members will read the RECORD of today and refer back to what the President said at the luncheon on August 20. It would do the world a great deal of good if we could have early action on that little bit of legislation.

I thank the Senator from Montana Mr. TALMADGE. Mr. President, will for his gracious remarks concerning me. the Senator from Montana yield?

Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President,

Mr. MANSFIELD. I am glad to yield what the distinguished senior Senator to the Senator from Georgia.

Mr. TALMADGE. I desire to associate myself with the remarks of the distinguished majority leader, the distin

from Vermont, the ranking Republican Senator in the Senate, and in all other respects the ranking Senator, refers to, of course, is the bill which is sometimes

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FOLLY OF INDISCRIMINATE U.S.
MILITARY AID

Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, I wish to commend President Johnson most highly for his prompt action in suspending military assistance to both India and Pakistan yesterday. I hope that such assistance will not be resumed until there has been adequate assurances by both parties that such arms as have been given to them will be used for the purposes for which they were given-resistance to Communist aggression.

For years now, two or three Senators have consistently been critical of the military assistance U.S. throughout the world.

programs

In the tragic events of the last few days in India and Pakistan, U.S. weapons given to Pakistan to strengthen its ability to resist international Communist aggression are being used against weapons given to India for the same purpose. In many respects the United States talks grandly about our desire for peace, while at the same time the United States has become the indiscriminate purveyor of arms to innumerable trigger-happy nations of the free world.

Time and again we have pointed out that U.S. arms, theoretically given for internal security purposes, have been used by ruthless dictators to maintain themselves in power by cruelly suppressing the human rights and freedom of their own peoples.

Over 3 years ago-on August 2, 1962in commenting on the use of U.S. donated Sherman tanks to crash through the gates of the Pzarro Palace to take President Manuel Prado y Ugarteche, of Peru, prisoner in the military coup there, I said:

A reexamination of U.S. military assistance to Latin America is sorely overdue. None of

goals of the program have been achieved-not hemisphere defense, not standardization, not modernization, not a reduction in forces; not even that much-tobe desired byproduct, indoctrinization of the military in their role in a modern democracy. Instead, we have witnessed some tragic results.

I am convinced that the evils of the military assistance program in Latin America far outweigh whatever benefits we hope to achieve when first the program was started. I call for an end to this unsuitable and fruitless venture.

U.S. arms have been given to Greece and Turkey ostensibly for the purpose of enabling each of them to resist aggression from the north-from Soviet Russia-only to see those very arms used by both sides in the fighting over Cyprus.

In addition, over the years, where we have not given arms away outright to nation after nation we have turned into arms salesmen under the misguided concept that, first, we were thereby helping the balance-of-payments problem, and, second, if the United States did not sell these weapons some other nation would. Neither concept is valid.

The United States manufactures many things, other than arms, which could be sold abroad to aid our balance-of-payments problem.

Second, instead of the weak excuse that if we did not sell arms some other nation would, the United States should take the leadership in the international cessation of the armaments race. It may be difficult to bring about general disarmament throughout the world but at least we should stop the proliferation in the furnishing of arms to countries which themselves do not manufacture weapons. This policy of indiscriminately giving or selling arms to foreign nations is not new. It is a policy which President Johnson has inherited from his predecessors. It is a policy however, which President Johnson should immediately reverse. His suspension of arms shipment to Pakistan and India is therefore most gratifying.

The amount of military assistance given to India and Pakistan over the years is a deep, dark military secret. It is classified and cannot be made public.

The public can be told that over the years we have given or loaned $5.1 billion to India and $2.6 billion to Pakistan. The public can be told that over the years we have given Turkey $2.5 billion in military assistance and $1.7 billion to Greece, but the public cannot be told

whether Pakistan and India over the years have received in military aid from the United States $1 million, $100 million, $1 billion or $10 billion-or whatever the figure may be.

Pakistan-a member of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization-has not sent

any of those arms, or any of its armed forces trained with U.S. military assistance, to fight in Vietnam in keeping with its treaty obligations. Instead it is using those arms and those men to fight in

India.

This is no time for the United States to assess the rights and wrongs of the armed conflict between India and Pakistan. President Johnson acted correctly and promptly in announcing that the United States is suspending-effective at once any further military aid to both countries until an effective cease fire has been agreed upon by both sides and there has been adherence to that cease fire by withdrawal of troops.

In addition, it makes no sense at all for the United States to continue to supply both India and Pakistan with economic aid while they are both wasting their economic substances in military engagements. Economic aid to both coun

tries should also be suspended until hos- HAM RIBICOFF, JOSEPH M. MONTOYA, Karl E. tilities cease. MUNDT, and MILWARD L. SIMPSON.

Both these countries should be told

The subcommittee will be authorized and directed to undertake intensive studies, in

that they must choose and choose at cluding hearings as may be necessary, into once-between economic development or military escapades.

It is bad enough that we have permitted the United States food for peace program to support, indirectly, President Nasser's war in Yemen.

But to support-directly or indirectly-a continued war between India and Pakistan would be intolerable.

TRIBUTE TO SENATOR HARRISADDITIONAL COSPONSOR, S. 2231 Mr. RIBICOFF. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that, at its next printing, the name of the Senator from Oklahoma [Mr. HARRIS] be added as a cosponsor of S. 2231, the National Highway Traffic Safety Act of 1965.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered.

Mr. RIBICOFF. Mr. President, the Senator from Oklahoma has been an extremely valuable member of my subcommittee which is now conducting a study of the Federal role in traffic safety. He also has contributed importantly to He also has contributed importantly to the subcommittee's work in developing legislation to create a new cabinet level Department of Housing and Urban Development which I understand will be signed into law by the President in the next few days. The Harris amendments emphasize the important role of private enterprise in the housing and urban development field and help make the bill a more meaningful document to guide future heads of the new department in administering the important programs within it.

Recognition is coming to the junior Senator from Oklahoma in other respects also. Recently he was named spects also. Recently he was named head of a Special Subcommittee on Government Research of the Committee on ernment Research of the Committee on Government Operations. I ask unanimous consent that a statement by Chairman MCCLELLAN announcing the establishment of the new subcommittee be

included in the RECORD at the conclusion of my remarks.

The PRESIDING OFFICER. With

out objection, it is so ordered. out objection, it is so ordered.

(See exhibit 1.)

Mr. RIBICOFF. Mr. President, the junior Senator from Oklahoma has been junior Senator from Oklahoma has been presented with a symbolic gavel by the Senate Democratic pages for having presided 100 hours over the Senate this year.

We all know what an effective

Presiding Officer he is. It is a real privilege to be associated with Senator HARRIS, and I add my personal commendations to him and express appreciation for his excellent work.

EXHIBIT 1

STATEMENT BY SENATOR JOHN L. MCCLELLAN, CHAIRMAN, COMMITTEE ON GOVERNMENT OPERATIONS

today that he has appointed a special Subcommittee on Government Research of the Committee on Government Operations, to be composed of Senators FRED R. HARRIS of Oklahoma, as chairman, MCCLELLAN, ABRA

Senator JOHN L. MCCLELLAN announced

the operations of research and development programs financed by departments and agencies of the Federal Government. The studies will include research in such fields as eco

nomics and social science, as well as basic science, research, and technology. Special

emphasis will be placed on those programs higher educational institutions and private now being carried out through contracts with

organizations, corporations, and individuals, to determine the need for the establishment of national research, development, and manpower policies and programs, in order to bring about Government-wide coordination and elimination of overlapping and duplication of scientific and research activities.

The subcommittee will be further directed

to examine existing research information operations, the impact of Federal research and development programs on institutions of higher learning, and to recommend the establishment of programs to insure equitable distribution of research and development contracts among such institutions and other contractors.

The staff of the full Committee on Government Operations will be assigned to provide the necessary staff services to the subcommittee, and the subcommittee chairman will be authorized to appoint, without compensation, such technical advisers and consultants as may be required to attain the subcommittee's objectives. Should Should these studies indicate that legislative action may be required to develop an adequate and comprehensive program covering these operations, the subcommittee will be directed to submit appropriate recommendations to the Committee on Government Operations.

THE NEED TO CUT OFF U.S. AID TO INDIA AND PAKISTAN

Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, all Americans share deep concern over the tragic war which is now taking place between India and Pakistan. We should support every effort, originating at the United Nations or from any other quarter, to bring about cessation of the hostilities. I know that President Johnson and his advisors are now considering inducements we might undertake toward this end.

The United States is deeply disturbed by this new war, because of the needless loss of life, because we regard both combatants as friends, and because these two nations-not Vietnam-are, in reality, the principal plugs against a Communist takeover in Asia. If these plugs are pulled, all of Asia may well go down the drain."

Americans are keenly distressed at the

prospect that this war may be fought with American-supplied weapons, originally furnished both countries to defend themselves against possible Communist aggression. Although it is now too late to call back these arms, the President has certainly made the correct decision in suspending the further shipment of arms to India and Pakistan for the duration of this conflict.

Earlier this year, I sponsored an amendment to the foreign aid bill which would have held in check the military assistance program. My amendment was directed primarily against proposed

The

increases in military assistance to such countries as India and Pakistan. amendment, vigorously opposed by the Administration at that time, was nar

rowly defeated on the floor of the Senate by a vote of 43 to 38. This tragic war between India and Pakistan, to which the United States has extended a total of some $12 billion in various forms of foreign aid, should, at the very least, force us to undertake a fundamental review of our continuing military assistance programs in many parts of the world.

It is my opinion, however, that we should not only cut off all military aid to India and Pakistan, but also all economic aid as well. We should make it clear that we will not allow American money to be used by either side, directly or indirectly, to finance or prolong this war. Not only would such an embargo serve as a forewarning to other nations now receiving large quantities of American aid, but it might also act as yet another lever to help induce the Indians and Pakistanis to bring their conflict to a close.

And that, he says, cannot be done by guns
alone.

He thinks air strikes, artillery, and big
conventional military operations-especially

if conducted without equally vigorous and
effective civic, nonmilitary programs will
boomerang and drive people into the arms
of the Vietcong.

VETERAN

General Lansdale is a veteran of anti-
guerrilla campaigns-first in the Philippines
as confidante of the late President Ramon
Magsaysay in the successful struggle against
the Communist Huks, and in the 1950's as an

adviser to the late Vietnamese President Ngo
Dinh Diem in the unsuccessful guerrilla war
against the Vietcong.

Mr. Lodge contends that the political-eco-
nomic-social problems of Vietnam are equally
as important as military problems. General
Lansdale long has preached this theory but,
Vietnamese leaders or even some elements of
in recent years, without much support from
the American military establishment.

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Much has changed in Vietnam since he
wrote the article but he said today that his
basic ideas remain unchanged about the
needed to resolve it.
nature of the struggle and the kinds of action

General Lansdale thinks the United States cannot sit aloof from this kind of program for fear of interfering in internal Vietnamese affairs—that we must inculcate in the people

the will and incentive to resist the Vietcong.

CHARLES BARTLETT ON THE ALLI

ANCE FOR PROGRESS TITLE Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, Charles Bartlett recently wrote an excellent column entitled "Alliance for Progress Enthe August 19 edition of the Washingters New Era," which was published in ton Evening Star.

I ask unanimous consent to have this article printed in the RECORD.

There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, [From the Evening Star, Washington (D.C.) as follows:

Aug. 19, 1965]

(By Charles Bartlett)

ALLIANCE FOR PROGRESS ENTERS NEW ERA

The fourth anniversary of the signing of by indications that an attempt will soon be the Charter of Punta del Este is brightened made to restore the mystique of the Alliance

for Progress.

The old mystique, which went into mothballs when Thomas Mann assumed command of Latin policy at the outset of President Johnson's administration, was a fervent, emotional commitment to the poor people and nations of the hemisphere. It was a clarion of urgency, eloquently proclaimed in the charter and reiterated many times by President Kennedy and his officials.

Although the problem of continued food shipments to these countries is more difficult to decide, because of the humanitarian considerations involved, our Government should immediately undertake a thorough study of this question to ascertain whether a cessation of such shipments would help promote an end to the war. Forthright action by the United States to cease military and economic aid to both these warring powers will, I am sure, meet with the civilians, the Vietnamese officers who gave brows were raised when Mann undertook to

full approval of the great majority of the American people. The fate of India and Pakistan, and the future security of all of Asia, may well rest upon an end to this tragic conflict at the earliest possible moment.

"The most urgent military need," he wrote at year's end, "is to make it the No. 1 priority for the military to protect and help the people. When the military opens fire at long range, whether by infantry weapons, artillery, or air strike, on a reported Vietcong concentration in a hamlet or village full of

those orders and the American advisers who

let them get away with it are helping defeat
the cause of freedom. The civilian hatred of
the military resulting from such actions is
a powerful motive for joining the Vietcong.

ALLEGIANCE OF THE PEOPLE IS tary into accepting it as a basic soldierly

ESSENTIAL TO VIET VICTORY Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, R. H. Shackford, one of America's most knowledgable writers about Vietnam, has written an excellent column entitled "It's a 'People's War': Allegiance of the People Is Essential to Viet Victory" upon the occasion of the appointment of Gen. Edward G. Lansdale as an adviser to Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge.

I ask unanimous consent to have this article, as published in the Washington Daily News of August 19, printed in the RECORD.

There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows:

IT'S A "PEOPLE'S WAR": ALLEGIANCE OF THE
PEOPLE IS ESSENTIAL TO VIET VICTORY
(By R. H. Shackford)
Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge has chosen
as one of his principal advisers an unortho-
dox military man who is convinced that ap-
plication of superior military force alone
will never force the Communists in Vietnam
to give up.

He is Air Force Maj. Gen. (retired) Edward
G. Lansdale.

General Lansdale believes it is a "people's war"-not an ordinary one-and can be won only by gaining the allegiance of the people.

"The U.S. military can give a major boost to the political effort simply by upgrading the importance they assign to military-civic action and to guiding the Vietnamese miliquality in this war, just as the Vietcong do. "Civic action means more than giving economic help; it is an attitude of behavior, an extension of military courtesy, in which the soldier citizen becomes the brotherly protec

tor of the civilian citizen.

practice it, under severe penalties for mis-
The Vietcong
behavior."

General Lansdale's article took a dim view
of the way Americans generally proposed
coping with the Vietnam problem-disen-
gagement through international accommo-
dation; identifying the struggle as war and
force the Communist regime in Hanol to
making use of "our military proficiency to

cease its adventure in the south"; continu

ing along the present course (as of the end
of 1964) to smother and kill the Communist
insurgency.

He wrote:

"The anomaly in these reactions is that each falls short of understanding that the Communists have let loose a revolutionary idea in Vietnam and that it will not die by being ignored, bombed or smothered by us. Ideas do not die in such ways."

He suggested a fourth "reaction"-"To oppose the Communist idea with a better idea and to do so on the battleground itself, in a way that would permit the people, who are the main feature of that battleground, to make their own choice." In effect, the "anti-Communist" struggle must be converted into a "pro-people" campaign whose objective is to give the people what they want, rather than just defeat the other side.

The distinctive aura that was purposefully wrapped about the program contributed significantly to its beginning and many eye

had been somewhat uneasy in the liberal

lay it aside. A matter-of-fact diplomat who ferment of the New Frontier, Mann was determined to operate a pragmatic, unromanticized version of the Alliance.

The mystique was acknowledged to have some weaknesses. It was fuzzy and it implied a response to Latin poverty that ex

ceeded the resources allotted to the Alliance.

Its revolutionary flavor, injected by the Kennedy people to stir action and hopes, had raised intimations of a class struggle. The glamour of the mystique attracted interest but it also attracted critics.

Mann has now left Latin affairs for larger his "cold turkey" phase of Alliance managespheres of State Department influence and ment is judged by most critics to have been a constructive interlude. He made the program duller but more stable and assured. He transformed the anguished soul searching of his agency into poise. He presided over a period in which the Latins learned shortcomings. their obligation to scrutinize their own

Mann's successors Jack Vaughn and David Bronheim, must contend, however, with a flatness that has crept into the Alliance, a deflation of the hope and zeal that marked its initial phase. The Alliance is a going concern and South America is producing growth rates that match the expectations of Punta del Este. But the program is losing its sparkle, its capacity to incite the Latins to new enthusiasms and exertions.

The aims of the Vaughn-Bronheim team and the exhortations of CIAP, the InterAmerican panel that has called for redoubled efforts "to avoid the spread of a sense of frustration," now indicate the start of a third phase of the Alliance. This will be a new campaign to involve more Latins in the program.

The experiences to date have shown that the best means to this end is to create new

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