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some British territories with convicts, while private enterprise took the sound Scottish ancestors of General Mackensen to Prussia. There came a time when the colonies protested vigorously against the Home Government's obstinate belief that cargoes of criminals and prostitutes were the proper foundation for an Imperial policy, and of late years they have rather turned the tables on us. Their lecturers have toured our countryside with photographs and pamphlets, urging Hodge to stretch out his hand for the fortune awaiting him in the Far West or the Antipodes, and their seductive propaganda has drawn considerably on our strong rural stocks. We cannot in fairness complain; we sent them what we wanted to be rid of, they retorted by bidding for what they wanted. Nobody who has looked into the past history of the Empire can have failed to notice that unsuitable emigrants have often been sent out, sometimes with unhappy and even disastrous consequences, merely in order to be quit of them ; nobody who is familiar with the present colonial attitude towards the newcomer, particularly the newcomer on a large scale, can have failed to notice the demand that the colony and not the mother country shall decide who shall or shall not come. The reason is obvious, the stipulation just. Precisely as unsettlement at home leads to settlement overseas, so the emigrant here becomes the immigrant in the colonies. For us the problem is ended when the vessel sails; for them it is only beginning.

This inevitable divergence of aim can only be overcome, as the Dominions Royal Commission agrees, by co-operation. It does not however in the least follow that it is wise to set up a Central Emigration Authority with power reserved to it to ' limit, or prohibit the emigration of men, particularly men of

military age, from the United Kingdom, except to destinations 'approved by the authority. A board of this kind, which is suggested but not definitely recommended by the Commission, smacks rather of Prussia than of England, and even in Prussia, where the Government has definitely objected to emigration for many years, similar restrictions have not been altogether successful. Any attempt to enforce such a system in this country, except in the event of a very definite national peril after the war, would certainly lead to widespread opposition and evasion. Incidentally the Commissioners, in their zeal

for regulation and restriction, seem to have forgotten that Magna Carta-in its forty-second chapter-provides that • It shall be lawful in future for anyone (excepting always *those imprisoned or outlawed in accordance with the law of

the kingdom, and natives of any country at war with us) to leave our kingdom and to return, safe and secure by land and 'water, except for a short period in time of war, on grounds of 'public policy, reserving always the allegiance due to us.' An Emigration Authority which endeavoured to prohibit emigration might find that Englishmen still preferred their ancient liberties to modern bureaucracy.

Fortunately there is no sign that this is the sole, or even the main object aimed at in the Committee recently set up by the Colonial Office in conjunction with the Agents-General of the Dominions 'to report on the measures to be taken for 'settling within the Empire ex-soldiers who may desire to 'emigrate after the war,' although it is true that the terms of reference mention the constitution of a central authority 'to supervise and assist emigration. This committee wisely includes not only representatives of the Colonial States, but also the Emigration Commissioner of the Salvation Army. There are, however, several other private or semi-private emigration organisations in existence, ranging from the philanthropic society at one end of the scale to the commercial company which makes its profit out of transport or the sale of land at the other, and many of these bodies have a right to be consulted. Some—by no means all—are quite excellent; they have an organisation already in existence, a fund of accumulated experience, and they are adapted for a particular class of work which no other body could accomplish quite so successfully. It would be a mistake to ignore or override their efforts ; and centralisation, the one and only remedy of the official mind, would deprive these associations of their individuality and consequently of their driving power. What is needed is to secure that they do not overlap; to crush them out in order to secure the whole ground for an official enterprise that is not yet formulated would be a grave blunder.

In these days when the fashion is all for State action, and private enterprise is at a discount, it is wise to remember that the British Empire owes far more to private enterprise than State action. The State discouraged free settlement in Australia, and refused to take any action in colonising New Zealand ; private enterprise, after fighting the Colonial Office, founded Victoria and South Australia, and Wellington, Dunedin, and Canterbury in New Zealand. Private enterprise has given Canada more than one transcontinental railway; State action has not yet completed the first Australian transcontinental line. Had an Emigration Authority with powers to prohibit emigration been in existence in 1583, when the first definite attempts were made to plant English colonies, there might indeed have been a British Empire, but it would have been very different from the one that grew out of voluntary effort. James I. opposed the Virginia Company, and Charles I. the Puritan emigration which led to the foundation of New England; both would certainly have used the Central Emigration Authority to defeat those schemes. Two hundred years later the British Government held that Australia was an unsuitable country for free settlers, and did its best to reserve that continent to those who had the privilege of entry by way of the Old Bailey. A Central Emigration Authority with power to prohibit emigration was in fact in existence, so far as the Antipodes were concerned, in those days, but it broke down before the efforts of private citizens, conspicuous among whom were Macarthur and Gibbon Wakefield. Had such an authority been continuously in existence, we should certainly have had the transportation settlements at Barbados under Cromwell and at Botany Bay under George III., but our annals would have been innocent of the Pilgrim Fathers ; nor would they have been inscribed with the deeds of the Anzacs, the descendants of the free settlers who went to Australia and New Zealand when the transportation system broke down.

There is indeed room for several forms of colonial enterprise, so long as they do not get in each other's way and all conform to the elementary rule that they pick the right men for the work and put them in the right place. It does not seem antecedently probable that a Central Emigration Authority, to be constituted after the war and necessarily new to its work, will succeed better than organisations such as the Australian States, the Canadian Pacific Railway, and Dr. Barnardo's Homes, which have already a wide experience and personal knowledge of the problem. Doubtless there is room for, and some need of, an advisory board which shall correlate the work of the various emigration societies and secure that each works to the best advantage ; but there is no demonstrable need for an official organisation with power to override the work of every existing association and, if it pleases, prohibit their activities altogether in order to centralise the whole machinery of emigration in Whitehall. li all emigrants to the British Dominions are compelled to pass through an official sieve which accepts or rejects them at pleasure, then some of the most active and enterprising men who object to the delays and formalities inevitable under a system of bureaucratic control will go to the United States, and the very policy which we are attempting to forward will be defeated.


The Commission next discusses in some detail the difficult and delicate question of female emigration. It is common ground that we want to emigrate families rather than single men, and there are few cases indeed in which the married man should not have the preference over the bachelor. To do otherwise simply accentuates the social difficulty at both ends : it increases the already. grave excess of women over men at home-an excess which the war has unhappily emphasised; it also re-establishes the excess of men over women in the colonies, which was in process of elimination.

There remains the problem of the emigration of single women. The Commission recognises that these should be encouraged to settle in the Dominions, so long as they can be persuaded to settle in the rural rather than in the already over-crowded urban centres; and it advises that women, who should be drawn from a larger class than that which is accustomed to engage in domestic service, should be given some simple training for this career, remarking that such training can be given better in the Dominions than at home. Unfortunately the report does not deal with the initial difficulty of selecting suitable women for this work. It is to be regretted that in treating this branch of the subject the Commissioners' work is less adequate and original than in dealing with the emigration of men and children from the United Kingdom to the Dominions. The vagueness of their recommendations, and the fact that they fall back on the women's emigration societies which already exist instead of recommending that the Central Emigration Authority should deal with female as with male emigration, prove either that the Commissioners have not much faith in their proposed Central Authority or that they are afraid to grasp the difficult problems of female emigration.

The machinery therefore which will deal with emigrants from this country after the war remains uncertain : it may consist either of the individual associations which have done such good work in the past, or of a brand-new authority which will occupy one of the few remaining London hotels with officials or turn the Athenaeum Club into an Emigration Bureau. But as regards the location of intending settlers, something more definite has been accomplished, albeit through nonofficial channels. The final word, of course, rests with the various Colonial States concerned.

The information collected by Sir Rider Haggard in his mission of inquiry round the Empire last year shows in which colonies men are wanted, and also shows how far the work of preparing for immigrants has progressed. The full details of his investigation must be read in his report to the Royal Colonial Institute; but, broadly speaking, the results are as follows.

In the Commonwealth, Tasmania will provide land for three hundred British soldiers, or for a very much larger number if financial arrangements can be made by the British Government. Victoria will give British soldiers the same advantages as Victorian service men. Queensland will set aside a million acres for ex-service men from the British Isles to be selected by the Queensland Government, providing the necessary funds can be raised. New South Wales, which also insists on the right of selection, contemplates providing for at least a thousand British settlers. West Australia, while so far without any definite scheme, will give the same conditions to United Kingdom men as to West Australians. South Australia will do the same. New Zealand, whose available land is more limited, will give preference to British soldiers and sailors and their families over other immigrants, ranking them immediately after the Dominion's own returned service men.

In Canada, where the question of land grants devolves partly on the Dominion, partly on the provinces, and to some extent on the great railway corporations, no general summary can be attempted, but it was generally agreed that the Dominion requires men, that the various authorities should

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