Turkey of her provinces and reducing her sovereignty in Constantinople itself to a mere shadow. India was restless, and Egypt had broken out in open revolt. Cawnpore and Lucknow had not faded from memory. England, therefore, and to a lesser degree her allies, were inclined to temporize.

But the Turks, like the Bourbons, had "learned nothing and forgotten nothing," and their own truculence at this critical period proved their undoing. A Nationalist movement was begun under the leadership of Mustapha Kemal, with the express purpose of resisting the demands of the Allies. He gathered together a force variously estimated at from 50,000 to 100,000 men, and commenced military operations in Anatolia, attacking and defeating a small French force in Cilicia, and carried out massacres of the Armenians at Marash and other places. The Allies protested to the Turkish Government, which issued orders to Kemal to abandon his campaign and disband his forces. These were disregarded by Kemal, who knew that the bulk of the population was in sympathy with him, and probably felt that the Government itself was not in earnest. Disciplinary action became necessary. The allied Premiers on March 6 announced that a note had been dispatched to the Turkish Government containing drastic demands, including the military occupation of Constantinople with the support of an interallied fleet. It was impressed upon the Turks that the world would not tolerate further massacres. It was agreed that the French defeat in Cilicia must be retrieved, and that the Turks must be shown that the Allies were ready to back their demands by military action. Premier Venizelos of Greece offered the services of 100,000 Greek troops for the purpose of crushing the Turkish Nationalists.

Concrete measures were taken on March 16, when allied forces under General Milne landed at Constantinople, occupied the Ministries of War and Marine, and took control of the administrative machinery. Some resistance was encountered at the War Office, and several casualties occurred. A proclamation printed in English, French and Greek was posted on the walls of the city,.

warning that hostile acts would be punished by death. It was declared in the House of Commons on March 17 that the occupation would continue until the terms of the Peace Treaty were accepted and executed, and that further Armenian massacres would only make the terms of the treaty more severe. Thirty Turkish Nationalist leaders were arrested in Constantinople and transferred by a British battleship to Malta, where they were to be tried by court-martial.

A new Cabinet under Damad Ferid Pasha was formed and, spurred at length to action, troops were mobilized to suppress the rebels. Events, however, indicated that the latter were attempting not only to create a new Government but also a separate religious organization with a new Sheik ul Islam at its head. In view of the threatening situation, it was announced from Athens on April 7 that the allied Ministers, acting through the Supreme Military Council, had authorized Greek troops to advance against Mustapha Kemal. The Greek offensive did not really begin however, until June 22, when the Hellenic forces with their base at Smyrna advanced north, occupied Akhissar and attacked Salihli. On June 30 they landed 2,000 men on the south shore of the Sea of Marmora and moved toward Panderma. Several conflicts ensued, resulting in victories for the Greeks and heavy losses in killed and wounded to the Turks, of whom several thousands were captured. The Greeks by July 10 had reached and occupied Brusa, a former seat of the Sultanate. During the same period another army had dispersed the Nationalists, who, under the lead of the Governor of Adrianople, were attempting to resist the Greek occupation of Thrace. The British share in the military operations was purely defensive and had no notable incident except an action at Ismid, where an attack by Turkish Nationalists was driven back by combined British military and naval forces.

THE TURKISH TREATY

The Turkish Peace Treaty was delivered to the Turkish delegates at the French Foreign Office in Paris on May 11. It sheared away most of her former

territory and took from her all but a shadow of military, naval and political power. It did not wholly oust her from Europe, but it left her impotent as a factor in the affairs of that continent.

One of the most important points of treaty was the provision that the Dardanelles be internationalized. Navigation was to be open in time of peace and war alike to all vessels of commerce and war, no matter under what flag. This included not only the Straits proper but also the Bosporus and the Sea of Marmora. The waters were not to be subject to blockade, nor could any act of war be committed there, except in enforcing the decisions of the League of Nations.

The Turkish Army, to be used for police purposes alone, was reduced to 35,000 men, with a possible increase of 15,000 in case of special exigency. Military airplanes and vessels of war were forbidden. The fortifications of the Dardanelles were to be razed. An army of occupation, consisting of British, French and Italian troops, was to be maintained at Turkey's expense. Turks charged with war crimes and massacres were to be handed over to the Allies for trial. All religious and political prisoners were to be released. The financial losses of the Allies in the war were to be regarded as a Turkish liability.

The finances of the nation were to be placed wholly in the hands of an allied commission. This was to supervise the budget and approve internal and external loans. It was also to fix the annual sum to be paid to the Allies to defray the costs of the army of occupation.

Constantinople was to remain as the seat of government, but under allied supervision. This city, together with the sanjak of Chatalja, embraced all that was left to the Turks in Europe. It represents 2,238 square miles and a population of 1,281,000. The territorial losses in Asia were still greater. At the beginning of the World War the Turkish Empire included in Europe 10,882 square miles of te with a population of Asia it controlled vith a population ce Treaty left it

1,891,000

710,224

of 21

with a territory of less than 100,000 square miles, with a population of about 5,000,000. It marked the elimination as a power in world politics of the Ottoman Government, whose baleful shadow had been cast athwart Europe since the day in 1453 when Mohammed II. had spurred his horse into the Church of St. Sophia.

The territorial losses included Turkish Armenia, which is to be administered under a mandate by the League of Nations. In addition, Turkey was required to recognize the independence of the adjacent territory, including Van, Bitlis, Erzerum and Trebizond, which territory is to be added to the Transcaucasian States already established. Mesopotamia was placed under the mandate of Great Britain, as was Palestine, which is destined ultimately to become a Jewish State. A mandate was given to France over Syria. The treaty gave Smyrna and the hinterland extending to a depth of eighty miles and a breadth of 150 miles to Greece under limited SOVereignty.

The Turkish counterproposals rejected the surrender of Smyrna and Syria, objected to the demolition of the fortifications of the Dardanelles, and asked for representation on the commission that was to govern the straits. Strenuous efforts were made also to retain some of the islands in the Aegean. The representations, however, were without effect, and the treaty was finally signed at Sèvres, France, on Aug. 10, 1920.

EVENTS IN POLAND

The design of the Peace Conference was to make Poland one of the great powers of Europe. It was deemed essential to have a strong buffer State between Russia and Germany to prevent the junction of those nations in a war of revenge or conquest. Territorially the aim of the conference was realized. The borders of Poland were extended far into former Russia, though not so far as the line that existed before the infamous partition of 1772. Posen had been allotted to her; Danzig, though a free city, was practically under predominant Polish influence; part, at least, of Galicia was assured to her, and there was a possibility of some of the areas under

plebiscite coming ultimately under her sovereignty.

But while potentially strong, Poland at the beginning was in a deplorably weak condition. She had been in the very swirl of the conflict, and her territory had been swept again and again by the contending armies. Her lands had been devastated, her best blood spilled, her treasury depleted, her future mortgaged. The remnant of her population was on the brink of famine. Nor, deIspite the signing of the Treaty of Versailles, had her fighting ended. She was still maintaining military forces on several fronts-against the Germans in Posen, the Czechs at Teschen and the Ukrainians in the vicinity of Lemberg, while her strongest efforts were required to beat back the tide of Bolshevist invasion that threatened to overwhelm her.

Gradually the military situation cleared. The Peace Conference intervened and adjusted the Posen and Teschen disputes. In July, 1919, the Poles were successful against the Ukrainians and scored a decisive victory over the Bolsheviki in the capture of Minsk. In August an agreement was entered into by the Ukraine and Poland by which the former renounced all claims in Eastern Galicia, while Poland undertook not to enter territory occupied by Ukrainian troops. Both Governments agreed to continue military operations against the Bolsheviki.

During September and October the Poles continued driving the Bolshevist forces before them with scarcely a check. They cleared the whole lake region south of Dvinsk, cut the railway communication between Kiev and Petrograd and made important progress toward the Dnieper and Orsza. So far and fast did they go that the Supreme Council of the Peace Conference became alarmed and urged a halt. They held that Poland's advance, which had penetrated to a depth of 200 miles, was sufficient for purposes of self-defense; and they had no mind to encourage a war of conquest while so much energy was required of the young republic for purposes of reconstruction.

In November municipal elections were held in Upper Silesia, and these were

watched with keen interest because of the indications they might give as to the outcome of the plebiscite. The vote cast by the Poles was 75 per cent. of the total. The result caused profound chagrin in Germany and corresponding exultation in Poland.

The Paderewski Government, after having been a year in power, resigned Dec. 7, and was succeeded by a Coalition Cabinet under M. Skulski. The resignation of Paderewski was caused by hostility in the Diet and by dissatisfaction with the progress made under his administration. He was blamed for not having secured East Galicia for Poland. With his departure, General Pilsudski became the leading figure in the nation.

Much uneasiness was caused in allied countries by repeated reports of persecution of the Jews in Poland. It was said that pogroms had been savagely carried on and that thousands of Jews had been killed. There was no doubt of a wide-spread anti-Semitic feeling, and it was to guard against this taking form in oppression that the Peace Conference had drawn up the special pact with Poland for the protection of minorities. It was denied in toto by the Polish Government that systematic pogroms had been instituted.

It was admitted that killings had occurred in isolated instances, but these had taken place, it was alleged, not because the victims were Jews, but because they had been involved in Bolshevist conspiracies. A special mission, headed by Henry Morgenthau, was sent by President Wilson to Poland to inquire into the treatment of the Jews. Mr. Morgenthau reported on Dec. 14 that the number of killed had been exaggerated, but that there had been some murders and many outrages and that an economic boycott against the Jews had been the cause of great suffering

An offer was made on Dec. 26 by the Russian Soviet to begin immediate peace negotiations with Poland. The latter was asked to name a time and place for the opening of discussions. The offer at the time received little consideration, because the Poles believed it was not made in good faith. They claimed to have authentic information that at the time the offer was made Russia was pre

paring for an offensive of colossal proportions in the Spring. They feared that the offer was sent simply to lull them into a sense of false security. Besides, the Polish military situation at the time was excellent. The army under the command of Pilsudski was holding a long front extending from Marienburg in the Province of Livonia along the Dvina across Poland and through Ukrainian territory to the Rumanian frontier. Prospects were bright for securing the military co-operation of the Ukrainians and the Letts, and the coming Spring campaign was looked forward to with confidence.

When, however, the peace offer was repeated in January, there had been a serious change in the situation. Yudenitch had been defeated on the Petrograd front, Denikin had been driven back in the South, and the Siberian forces of Kolchak had been routed. Esthonia also had concluded an armistice with Russia that ultimately developed into peace. Poland was isolated, and the Soviet armies released from other zones were able to concentrate against her. The Russian offer contained the statement that the Soviet Government from the first had recognized the sovereignty and independence of the Polish Republic, and that there was no territorial, economic or other question which could not be solved peacefully by negotiations, concessions and mutual agreement.

Before doing anything besides acknowledging the receipt of the offer, Poland sought and secured the consent of the Allied and Associated Powers to carry on negotiations. The Polish Minister to the United States declared in Washington on Feb. 3 that Poland would sign a treaty with the Soviet authorities if the latter would guarantee that Bolshevist propaganda would not be carried on in Poland and other European countries.

Nothing came at the time, however, from the peace tentatives. The Poles held a conference at Warsaw with representatives of Finland, Latvia and Rumania and reached an agreement as to the principles that were to govern the negotiations with the Soviet Government. Then they made a series of peace pro

posals that demanded much more than the Bolsheviki could be expected to accept, especially in the matter of boundaries. Difficulties arose as to the place for holding the conference, the Bolsheviki suggesting Esthonia, while the Poles favored the city of Borysov.

While futile notes were being exchanged, the Poles suddenly launched a whirlwind campaign on a 250-mile front from the Pripet to the Dniester. The movement was undertaken in conjunction with the Ukrainians, with whom Poland had contracted an alliance for

offensive purposes. The campaign was marked by a rapid succession of victories for the joint forces, which pushed deeply into the Ukraine, capturing immense amounts of rolling stock and war material from their demoralized enemies. In two days 15,000 prisoners were captured, Mohilev was taken and the Poles were moving southeast along the Dniester. By May 1, Polish cavalry had reached the outskirts of Kiev, one of the main objectives of the campaign. May 6th the city was taken and a start was made toward the second objective, Odessa.

By

By this time the Bolsheviki had rallied, and heavy forces were being rushed forward to the fighting line. For nearly a month the line of battle swayed back and forth with alternate successes and defeats for both sides. A sudden stroke of strategy by the Russians on June 9 completely changed the situation. General Budenny, the conqueror of Denikin, with 5,000 cavalry drove through the center of the Polish lines southwest of Kiev. Having broken through, he divided his forces into three detachments, one moving on Berdichev, another on Fastova, while a third rode on to Jitomir threatening to cut the line of communication to Kiev. The brilliant action made necessary the evacuation of Kiev to prevent its isolation.

The tide of battle now turned against the Poles on every portion of their front. Much stronger Bolshevist forces harassed their retreat from Kiev, while in the north the Soviet armies won signal victories on the Beresina and threatened the capture of Vilna and

Minsk. By July 6 the Polish forces were being driven back in a retreat that grew ever more disorderly. The Fortress of Rovno was taken July 1 and it became evident that Warsaw was in great peril.

The whole nation rushed to arms. Women and boys, as well as the men, enlisted for service. It is doubtful, however, that the capital would have been saved from capture had not the Allies intervened.

The latter had followed Poland's latest offensive with gráve misgivings. It was regarded as impelled by imperialistic motives. England and Italy, who were on the verge of resuming trade relations with Russia, especially disapproved. France alone viewed it with a degree of complacence if not with full approbation.

But while there was a feeling that Poland had invoked her own chastisement, the Allies were determined that she should not be crushed. The response to her appeal was immediate. Guns and ammunition were rushed forward. Hundreds of French officers offered their services. General Maxime Weygand, who had been Chief of Staff to Marshal Foch, hastened to Warsaw, and in cooperation with Pilsudski played an important part later in turning the tide of military events.

The Supreme Council issued a statement at Spa on July 11, in which it was announced that the Allies had sent to Moscow a proposal to the Soviet for an armistice between Poland and Russia, subject to the condition that the Polish troops retire behind Poland's legitimate boundaries. It was stated that the British Government had bound itself to give no assistance to Poland for any action hostile to Russia. It was however bound under the covenant of the League of Nations to defend the integrity of Poland within its legitimate ethnographical frontiers. If, therefore, Soviet Russia would not be content with the withdrawal of the Polish army, but intended to take action hostile to Poland within the latter's own territory, the British Government and its allies would feel bound to assist the Polish nation to defend its existence with all means at their disposal.

The proposal of the Allies was rejected by the Soviet Government on July 20. The latter declared that it was ready to grant an armistice and make peace with Poland and to give the Poles an even more favorable frontier than that laid down by the Allies. But the Poles themselves must first appeal for

peace.

In compliance with the advice of the Allies, the Poles then made a direct appeal to Moscow for an armistice. This was granted on July 22. On one pretext or another, however, the negotiations were delayed first to the 26th, then to the 31st and again to Aug. 11. In the meantime the Bolshevist forces were sweeping forward with scarcely a check, and it became apparent that they meant to capture Warsaw and dictate the terms of peace in the capital. The Allies, roused by the danger and stirred by Russia's refusal of their demands, redoubled their efforts to help. A conference of the British and French Premiers was held at Boulogne on July 27 and a new note was sent to Russia declaring that Poland would not be permitted to accept terms that involved disarmament, a change in the Polish system of government, a boundary line less favorable than that granted to Poland by the Peace Conference or the use of Poland as a "bridge" in any sense between Russia and Germany.

Far more effective, however, than these diplomatic warnings was the military assistance rendered by France. Weygand at last, after much obstruction and delay, had been put in charge of Polish operations. He had as able assistants Generals Henry and Billotte. Eight hundred veteran French officers stiffened the wavering Polish line. Then on Aug. 15 Weygand struck like a thunderbolt. The Soviet forces gave way everywhere before the suddenness and fury of the assault. Soon the retreat degenerated into a rout. Whole brigades were isolated and captured. Town after town was retaken. Thousands fled across the tier of East Prussia and were interned. A more sudden reversal had seldom been known in the history of warfare.

That the military recovery was com