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The increased extent of the districts under the government of Madras renders it of the most serious importance, that the inhabitants should partake of the same advantages which have been conferred upon those in the Bengal provinces. Attempts have been made to accomplish so desirable an object. As a preparatory measure, very material changes have taken place in the mode of administering the revenues; and it is hoped that, ere long, the minds of the zemindars and renters will be so enlightened, that, suffering no longer their deep-rooted prejudices to interfere with their interests, they will be enabled fully to comprehend the advantages resulting from an absolute, fixed, and permanent right to a possession of their lands, undisturbed by the prospect of an increase in their jumma or rent-roll, When that is once obtained, and the capacity of the countries shall be fully ascertained, it is not only in contemplation to introduce the permanent system, as at Bengal, but also a system of police and judicial arrangement, suited to the habits of the people, whereby the utmost security will attach to persons and property. Many beneficial regulations have been already made; imposts and duties, that were a tax upon industry have been abolished; and every possible encouragement has been held out to the natives engaged in the manufactures, that at the same time the company's investment is benefited, they may receive the full reward of their labours. As to the presidency of Bombay, the revenues can never be expected to equal the expense. The possession of the ceded countries has afforded considerable aid to the revenue, and there is every prospect of improvement therein, from the settlements made with the zemindars and renters.

The attention of the committee is now requested to a few points, in which the domestic affairs are most particularly concerned. With regard to their improvement, the like solid ground of satisfaction is exhibited, as with respect to the foreign. It has appeared, that the sales of the company's goods last year, exceeded the average at which the sales were estimated the inference therefore is, that when the war shall be concluded, the sales may be expected to increase. But, as it may be asked,-why, under all this improvement, the public have not enjoyed the participation promised a few years ago?-the reply is:

no such promise was made absolutely, and without reserve. As these statements are always faithfully reported to the public, the advantage of an appeal to them is obtained: this, in the present instance, becomes the more favourable, as it prevents the effects of misrepresentation, and enables me to quote nearly the express words made use of on that particular occasion: "It will naturally be asked, if the calculations I have submitted to the committee will not, in a great degree, be affected by the continuance of war? Undoubtedly they will, to a certain extent; but, I flatter myself, by no means to the extent which gentlemen may, at first sight, be apt to suppose; for I hope, from the situation of the country with which we are engaged in war, that it is not likely we shall be much disturbed on the continent of India, and, from our naval superiority, I likewise flatter myself, that the interests of the East-India Company and the public may be protected from any material injury by depredations of another nature." Such were my expectations; and it cannot be denied that they have been realized in the event. But the arrangements were calculated in a time of peace, and it was expressly declared, that the participation depended, in a considerable degree, on the continuance of peace. The public did, nevertheless, receive the half of it, in two different years, even in the height of the war; in the present year, indeed nothing has been received, the reason of which is obvious. Although it could not be supposed that a commerce, so extended as that of the East-India Company, could receive protection from the navy, however powerful and vigilant, it has providentially so happened, that my prediction has been so far fulfilled, that, with very trivial exceptions, the EastIndia ships, both outward and homeward, have safely reached their destined ports: but, from the extraordinary expense of outfit, in consequence of the war, the annual charge of freight has increased in no less a sum than one million sterling. This alone is a sufficient excuse for the failure of the company in this part of their agreement with the public; and affords a solid ground of expec tation, that, at the return of peace, every arrear will be discharged, and the engagements will, in future, be fulfilled No reason can be assigned why, at the termination of war, the revenues of India

or the sales at home, should diminish; | at all clash, either with the favourable no apprehension need then be entertained view exhibited by the statements, or with of unfavourable events, nor distrust in the expectations which may be enterthe value and state of the company's con- tained in regard to future prospects: cerns. And although the present is not and it must appear evident that the only the time to state the value of the Cape inference which may fairly and justly be of Good Hope, and the late Dutch drawn from the circumstance is, that the islands, to this country; yet, as it may be capital is not in proportion to the extent urged by some persons, that the possession of the trade; for if that capital was, in of them would be productive of more in- 1793, not more than sufficient, it must be jury than advantage, I have no scruple completely inadequate on the present enin saying, that the possession of the Cape larged scale of the commerce. That an is an advantage to the East-India com- increasing trade requires an increased camerce not easily to be calculated. No pital cannot be denied: and if the prurivals in this valuable trade can appear dence or propriety of extending that for many years which there will be reason trade, at the risk of adding to the capital to dread: nor is it likely, that any con- at the present moment, is disputed, on siderable part of it can be diverted to account of the disadvantageous mode in neighbouring channels. Even before the which money can be raised, when compresent war, the foreign companies and pared with a time of peace; the answer ships which traded to India were on the is, that as all competition with the comdecline, and their intercourse with that pany in the Oriental trade has been country was, in a manner, absorbed and nearly annihilated by the circumstances lost in the immense commerce of the Bri- of the war and other causes, it would not tish Company. France had once some have been wise to have deferred for a moshare in the India trade; but before she ment the taking advantage of such facan afresh create trading establishments, vourable and concurring events, in order materials must be found for raising a to bring the riches of the Ganges and of capital, by which alone a commerce of Canton to the Thames. It therefore rethis nature can flourish. Holland, in mains to propose some method of supdeed, before it fell into its present cala- plying the present deficiency, and enamitous situation, had a more considerable bling the company to establish themselves share in the trade to this quarter of the in the superiority obtained in the trade to world; but her precarious resources have the East. They are already allowed, by been exhausted and ruined, her ships cap- an act of parliament, to circulate bonds tured, she is without merchants or marine, to the amount of three millions sterling; so that there is little cause to apprehend but the advantage accruing to the buyers an injurious change in the affairs of the at the sales by paying them in, has opecompany of England, from any exertion rated, and is likely to continue to opeshe is likely to be able to make for some rate, very prejudicially to the company's interest. The bond debt is now reduced to little more than a million; it is therefore neither prudent nor creditable, to risk the means of supporting so extensive a commercial concern on a fund so precarious in its nature. An issue of bonds, to the amount of one million, has been proposed, but cannot be deemed eligible; because they may be returned at times when great inconveniences to the cash concerns might result therefrom: if, however, an additional circulation of bonds, to the amount of 500,000/. should absolutely be required as a present supply, the necessity alone of the measure will induce an approval of it. It is the duty of the East-India Company, as a body corporate, permitted by the public to hold a monopoly of a certain valuable branch of trade, and as a body consulting

time.

The last point for the attention of the committee is, the expected deficiency of cash on the 1st of March 1797, as by the estimate. It has been already stated, that this deficiency occasions no considerable difference in the company's affairs; because the assets in India have been benefitted, or the debts at home have been diminished, in sums making together nearly the amount. It might also be added, that some of the causes of this embarrassment are of a temporary nature: so large an expenditure for buildings may not be expected another year; nor will some considerable payments, made this year, take place in future. Other reasons might still be adduced, in support of the assertion, that the present deficiency of the cash estimate does not $

their own interest, to adopt the most efficient and most certain method which can be devised, to secure to themselves, upon a permanent basis, the advantages which they are in possession of by the extension of their commerce, even if they did not sustain any immediate pressure. The plan which, in every point of view, appears the most acceptable, is an addition to the capital stock, to the amount of two millions, at such periods, and in such proportions only, as the immediate necessity may require; on account of the inferior price of the stock at this time, compared with the price in the last year of peace. By this means, the company will be relieved from having recourse to the issue of bonds, and the disadvantages their credit is exposed to from the discount upon them, as well as from the inconveniences arising from their being poured in at the sales. This, indeed, is an object so desirable, that I should have recommended an augmentation of the permanent capital, if the present circumstances had not required it.

Mr. Dundas then moved a string of Resolutions, pursuant to his statement, which, after a short conversation, were agreed to.

entered into a short explanation of the particulars of the plan which he proposed to bring forward.

Mr. Pitt said, he certainly had not taken the motion out of the hands of the hon. member. The object of that hon. gentleman's motion was to interfere with the price of labour, and it had been a long established principle, that it was extremely impolitic to control the reward of labour by any positive law. The present plan proceeded upon a larger scale, and imposed no arbitrary regulation upon the price of labour, which would very prudently be left to find its own level. Leave was given to bring in the bill.

The King's Message respecting the Rupture of the Negotiation for Peace with France.] Dec. 26. Mr. Secretary Dun das presented the following Message from his Majesty:

"GEORGE R.

"It is with the utmost concern that his majesty acquaints the House of Commons, that his earnest endeavours to effect the restoration of peace have been unhappily frustrated; and that the ne gotiation in which he was engaged has been abruptly broken off, by the peremptory refusal of the French government to treat, except upon a basis evidently inadmissible, and by their having in consequence, required his majesty's plenipotentiary to quit Paris within forty-eight hours.

exchanged in the course of the late dis-> cussion, and the account transmitted to his majesty of its final result, to be laid before the House.

Poor Bill.] Dec. 22. Mr. Pitt rose to renew a motion which he had made in the last parliament, for leave to bring in a bill for the better support and maintenance of the poor. The bill was directed to the same objects which he had "His Majesty has directed the several last year stated, and which had then ex-memorials and papers which have been perienced the decided approbation of the House. At present be only proposed, that the bill should be read a first and second time, that it might go into a committee, where the blanks would be filled up, and the bill printed before the holidays, in order that during the interval of parliament it might be circulated in the country, and undergo the most serious and mature investigation. He then moved, "That leave be given to bring in a bill for the better Support and Maintenance of the Poor."

Mr. Sheridan hoped that the right hon. gentleman would persevere in maturing his system, as he had taken the subject out of the hands of an hon. friend of his (Mr. Whitbread), who would have prosecuted it, if not with equal ability, yet with equal zeal, and perhaps with a greater degree of industry. He wished that the right hon. gentleman had at least

"From these papers his majesty trusts: it will be proved to the whole world, that his conduct has been guided by a sincere desire to effect the restoration of peace on principles suited to the relative situation of the belligerent powers, and essential for the permanent interests of his kingdoms, and the general security of Europe; whilst his enemies have advanced pretensions at once inconsistent with those objects, unsupported even on the grounds on which they were professed to rest, and repugnant both to the system established by repeated treaties, and to the principle and practice which have hi therto regulated the intercourse of independent nations.

"In this situation his majesty has the

consolation of reflecting, that the continuance of the calamities of war can be imputed only to the unjust and exorbitant views of his enemies; and his ma

jesty, looking forward with anxiety to the moment when they may be disposed to act on different principles, places, in the mean time, the fullest reliance, under the protection of Providence, on the wisdom and firmness of his parliament, on the tried value of his forces by sea and land, and on the zeal, public spirit, and resources of his kingdoms, for vigorous and effectual support in the prosecution of a contest which it does not depend on his majesty to terminate, and which involves in it the security and permanent interests of this country, and of Europe. G. R." A similar message was presented to the Lords, by lord Grenville.

PAPERS RESPECTING THE NEGOTIATION FOR PEACE WITH FRANCE.] Dec. 28. Mr. Canning presented to the House, by his Majesty's command, Copies of the Papers respecting the Negotiation for Peace, of which the following are transla

The undersigned is authorized to receive from Monsieur Barthelemi the answer to these questions, and to transmit it to his court: but he is not in any manner authorized to enter with him into negotiation or discusW. WICKHAM.

sion upon these subjects.

No. II.-NOTE transmitted from M. Barthe

lemi to Mr. Wickham, dated Basle, 6th Germinal, 4th year of the French Republic, (March 26th, 1796).

The undersigned, ambassador of the French Republic to the Helvetic body, has transmitted to the Executive Directory the note which Mr. Wickham, his Britannic Majesty's minister plenipotentiary to the Swiss cantons, was pleased to convey to him, dated the 8th of March. He has it in command to answer it by an exposition of the sentiments and dispositions of the Executive Directory.

The Directory ardently desires to procure for the French Republic a just, honourable, and solid peace. The step taken by Mr. Wickham would have afforded to the Directory a real satisfaction, if the declaration itself, which that minister makes, of his not having any order, any power to negociate, did not give room to doubt of the sincerity of the pacific intentions of his court. In fact, if it was true that England began to know her real interests, that she wished to open again

tions: PAPERS RESPECTING THE NEGOTIATION FOR for herself the sources of abundance and prosPEACE WITH FRANCE.

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1. Is there the disposition in France to open a negotiation with his majesty and his allies for the re-establishment of a general peace, upon just and suitable terms; by sending, for that purpose, ministers to a congress, at such place as may hereafter be agreed upon?

2. Would there be the disposition to communicate to the undersigned the general grounds of a pacification, such as France would be willing to propose; in order that his majesty and his aflies might thereupon examine in concert, whether they are such as might serve as the foundation of a negotiation for peace?

3. Or would there be a desire to propose any other way, whatever, for arriving at the same end, that of a general pacification.

perity; if she sought for peace with good faith; the necessary result must be to render all newould she propose a congress, of which gotiation endless? Or would she confine herself to the asking in a vague manner that the French government should point out any other way, whatever, for attaining the same object, that of a general pacification?

Is it that this step has had no other object than to obtain for the British government the favourable impression which always accompanies the first overtures for peace? May it not have been accompanied with the hope that they would produce no effect?

However that may be, the Executive Directory, whose policy has no other guides than openness and good faith, will follow, in its explanations, a conduct which shall be wholly conformable to them. Yielding to the ardent desire by which it is animated to procure peace for the French Republic and for all nations, it will not fear to declare itself openly. Charged by the constitution with the execution of the laws, it cannot make or listen to any proposal that would be contrary to them. The constitutional act does not permit it to consent to any alienation of that which, according to the existing laws, constitutes the territory of the Republic.

With respect to the countries occupied by the French armies, and which have not been united to France, they, as well as other interests, political and commercial, may become the subject of a negotiation, which will pre

sent to the Directory the means of proving | you, Sir, will concur in a measure that has for how much it desires to attain speedily to a its object the re-establishment of peace.-I happy pacification. have the honour to be, &c. GRENVILLE.

The Directory is ready to receive, in this respect, any overtures that shall be just, rea-, sonable, and compatible with the dignity of the Republic. BARTHELEMI.

No. III.-NOTE, dated Downing-street, April 10th, 1796.

The court of London has received from its minister in Switzerland, the answer made to the questions which he had been charged to address to Monsieur Barthelemi, in respect to the opening of a negotiation for the re-establishment of general tranquillity.

This court has seen, with regret, how far the tone and spirit of that answer, the nature and extent of the demands which it contains, and the manner of announcing them, are remote from any disposition for peace.

The inadmissible pretension is there avowed of appropriating to France all that the laws actually existing there may have comprised under the denomination of French territory. To a demand such as this is added an express declaration, that no proposal contrary to it will be made or even listened to: and this, under the pretence of an internal regulation, the provisions of which are wholly foreign to all other nations.

While these dispositions shall be persisted in, nothing is left for the king but to prosecute a war equally just and necessary.

Whenever his enemies shall manifest more

pacific sentiments, his majesty will at all times be eager to concur in them, by lending him self, in concert with his allies, to all such measures as shall be best calculated to re-establish general tranquillity on conditions just, honourable, and permanent: either by the establishment of a congress, which has been so often and so happily the means of restoring peace to Europe; or by a preliminary discussion of the principles which may be proposed, on either side, as a foundation of a general pacification; or, lastly by an impartial examination of any other way which may be pointed out to him for arriving at the same salutary end.

No. 1.—LETTER from Lord Grenville to Count Wedel Jarlsberg; dated Downing-street, September 6th, 1796.

Sir;-In obedience to the orders of the king my master, I have the honour to transmit to you the inclosed note, and to request of you that you will forward it to his Danish majesty's minister at Paris, to be by him communicated to the Executive Directory-The sentiments of your court are too well known to the king to admit of his majesty's entertaining any doubt of the satisfaction with which his Danish majesty will see the intervention of his ministers employed on such an occasion, or of the earnestness with which [VOL. XXXII.]

No. 2.-NOTE transmitted through the Danish Minister to the Executive Directory; dated Westminster, September 6th, 1796.

His Britannic Majesty, animated with the same desire, which he has already manifested, to terminate, by just, honourable, and permanent conditions of peace, a war which has extended itself throughout all parts of the world, is willing to omit nothing on his part which may contribute to this object. It is with this view that he has thought it proper to avail himself of the confidential intervention of the ministers of a neutral power, to demand of the Executive Directory passports for a person of confidence whom his majesty would send to Paris with a commission to discuss, with the government there, all the means the most proper to produce so desirable an end.-And his majesty is persuaded that he shall receive, without delay, through the same channel, a satisfactory answer to this demand, which cannot fail to place in a still clearer light the just and pacific dispositions which he entertains in common with his allies. GRENVILLE.

No. 3.-LETTER from Count Wedel Jarlsberg to Lord Grenville; dated London, September 23rd, 1796.

My lord;-I have the honour to inform your excellency, that the note addressed to the Executive Directory of France, in date of the 6th of the present month, was transinitted by M. Koenemann, chargé d'affaires of his Danish majesty, to M. Delacroix, minister for foreign affairs at Paris, who promised that an answer should be returned to it after it had been submitted to the consideration of the government. Three days having elapsed in expectation of this answer, M. Koenemann went a second time to the minister abovementioned, who gave him to understand, that the Executive Directory had not permitted him to return an answer in writing, but that he was directed to express himself verbally to this effect:-"That the Executive Directory of the French Republic would not for the future receive or answer any overtures or contermediate channel from the enemies of the fidential papers transmitted through any inRepublic, but that if they would send persons furnished with full powers and official papers, these might, upon the frontiers, demand the passports necessary for proceeding to Paris.” I have the honour to be, &c.

Comte de WEDEL JARLSBERG. No. 4.-LETTER from M. Koenemann to Count Wedel Jarlsberg; dated Paris, September 19th, 1796.

Sir;-I was indisposed at my country house when your excellency's courier brought me the letters, which your excellency did me the [4 X]

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