CH. XIX.]

DEPRESSION IN WASHINGTON

221

The immediate results of this campaign were not sufficient to lift Congress and the country for more than a brief period from the dejection into which they had fallen. Even the constrained rejoicing was brought to an end by the news that the expedition for the capture of Vicksburg, from which much had been hoped, had failed.1 The feeling of the radical members of Congress, although it was mainly their policy that was in the ascendant, is without doubt well exhibited by the confidences to his diary of William P. Cutler, a representative from southern Ohio: "Rosecrans's dearly bought victory [Stone's River] fails to give relief or inspire confidence. The failure at Vicksburg casts a deeper gloom over affairs. The feeling prevails that Lincoln allows the policy of the war to be dictated by Seward, Weed, and the border State men. To human vision all is dark, and it would almost seem that God works for the rebels and keeps alive their cause. Our Potomac army is so far a failure, and seems to be demoralized by the political influences that have been brought to bear upon it. . . . All is confusion and doubt. . . . How striking the want of a leader! The nation is without a head. . . . All faith and confidence in everybody seems to give way. . The earnest men are brought to a dead-lock by the President. The President is tripped up by his generals, who, for the most part, seem to have no heart in their work. . . . God alone can guide us through the terrible time of doubt, uncertainty, treachery, imbecility, and infidelity. . . . The people are bewildered and in a fog."2

...

Thomas and Halleck at the time of Buell's removal, see O. R., vol. xvi. part ii. pp. 657, 663.

1 The first intimation of this seems to have reached Washington through Confederate sources, Jan. 7.-O. R., vol. xvii. part ii. p. 542. John Sherman wrote his brother, Jan. 2: "We are watching with the most eager interest the progress of your expedition. We all hope its success will brighten the gloom cast by operations here." The General wrote the Senator, Jan. 6: "You will have heard of our attack on Vicksburg and failure to succeed. The place is too strong, and without the co-operation of a large army coming from the interior it is impracticable." - Sherman Letters, pp. 177, 179.

2 Entries of Jan. 17, 26, 27, Feb. 2, pp. 297, 300, 302. John Sherman wrote his brother, Jan. 27: "Military affairs look dark here in the Ariny of

Sumner, although he appreciated the peril, had not lost heart.1 "These are dark hours," he wrote to Lieber. "There are senators full of despair, not I. . . . But I fear that our army is everywhere in a bad way. I see no central inspiration or command; no concentration, no combination which promises a Jena."2 Greeley in his journal advocated the mediation of a European power between the North and the South, and to further this end he wrote to Vallandigham, the most extreme of the Democratic leaders in Congress, and held private interviews and opened a correspondence with Mercier, the French minister, setting forth that the people would welcome a foreign mediation which terminated the war. I mean to carry out this policy, he said to Raymond, and bring the war to a close. "You'll see that I'll drive Lincoln into it." An 3 offer of mediation between the two sections from Louis Napoleon, the Emperor of the French, was communicated, February 3, to the Secretary of State. It was declined at once by the President, the offer and response being published at the same time. Despite the rumors that had in some manner prepared the public mind for this step, the actual fact that a

the Potomac. Burnside is relieved and Hooker is in command. The entire

army seems demoralized.". Sherman Letters, p. 187. The feeling in the Northwest is illustrated by a letter of Joseph Medill to Colfax: "The public discontent waxes greater daily. Failure of the army, weight of taxes, depreciation of money, want of cotton-which affects every family-increasing national debt, deaths in the army, no prospect of success, the continued closure of the Mississippi, exorbitant charges of transportation companies for carrying the farmers' products eastward -all combine to produce the existing state of despondency and desperation. By a common instinct everybody feels that the war is drawing towards a disastrous and disgraceful termination. Money cannot be supplied much longer to a beaten, demoralized, homesick army. Sometimes I think nothing is left now but to fight for a boundary.'"-Hollister's Colfax, p. 203.

1 See Pierce's Sumner, vol. iv. p. 113.

2 Ibid., p. 114.

3 H. J. Raymond's diary, entries Jan. 25, 26, Feb. 12, Scribner's Monthly, March, 1880, pp. 705, 706, 708; N. Y. Tribune, Dec. 27, 1862, Jan. 9, 14, Feb. 13; Nicolay and Hay, vol. vi. p. 83; Life of Vallandigham by his brother, p. 223.

4 Printed in the newspapers, Feb. 12, 13.

CH. XIX.]

INDIANA AND ILLINOIS

223

powerful nation impelled by motives of material interest was eager to interfere in the struggle startled the people and deepened the gloom.1

3

"The President tells me," wrote Sumner to Lieber, "that he now fears the fire in the rear' - meaning the Democracy, especially at the Northwest-more than our military chances."2 Governor Morton of Indiana had telegraphed the Secretary of War: "I am advised that it is contemplated when the Legislature meets in this State to pass a joint resolution acknowledging the Southern Confederacy, and urging the States of the Northwest to dissolve all constitutional relations with the New England States. The same thing is on foot in Illinois." The legislatures of these States were Democratic, having been chosen the previous autumn as a result of the conservative reaction. Morton's alarming apprehensions came far from being realized, but his legislature quarrelled with him and refused its support to his energetic measures for carrying on the war. The Republican members took his part, and the wrangle became so bitter that finally the legislature adjourned without making the necessary appropriations for the maintenance of the State government during the ensuing two years. In Illinois, resolutions praying for an armistice, and recommending a convention of all the States. to agree upon some adjustment of the trouble between them, passed the House, but failed by a few votes to obtain con

1 Although I have brought the facts in juxtaposition, I know of no evidence which indicates that Greeley's intercourse with Mercier had any effect towards inducing this offer of mediation from France.

2 Jan. 17, Pierce's Sumner, vol. iv. p. 114.

3 Jan. 3, O. R., vol. xx. part ii. p. 297. See Morton's despatch of Jan. 2, p. 294. The information which he gave Stanton by letter, not daring to trust the telegraph, was: "It has been discovered within the past two weeks that the treasonable political secret organization having for its object the withdrawal of the Northwestern States from the Union, which exists in every part of this State, has obtained a foothold in the military camps in this city. The testimony of a number of soldiers has been taken, showing up the whole matter clearly and conclusively. Some important arrests have been made, and investigation is still going on." -- MS. War Department Archives.

sideration in the Senate. This legislature likewise fell out with its Republican governor.1

The term "Copperhead," which originated in the autumn of 1862, is now used freely. It was an opprobrious epithet applied by Union men to those who adhered rigidly to the Democratic organization, strenuously opposed all the distinctive and vigorous war measures of the administration and of Congress, and deeming it impossible to conquer the South were therefore earnest advocates of peace. It might not be accurate to say that all who voted the Democratic ticket in 1863 were, in the parlance of the day, "Copperheads," but such an inclusion would be more correct than to limit the term to those who really wished for the military success of the South and organized or joined the secret order of the Knights of the Golden Circle. In the Western States, at all events, the words " Democrat " and " Copperhead" became, after the middle of January, practically synonymous, and the cognomen applied as a reproach was assumed with pride.2

1 Indiana in the War of the Rebellion. Official report of W. H. H. Terrell, Adj. Gen., p. 240 et seq.; Chicago Tribune, Jan. 14, 15, 22; N. Y. Tribune, Jan. 10, Feb. 14, 17; N. Y. Times, Feb. 13; Appleton's Annual Cyclopædia, 1863, pp. 510, 529; Life of O. P. Morton by Indianapolis Journal, chap. viii. "Illinois is not alone in harboring a party that makes treason its watchword. While the echoes of the traitorous speeches that signalized the opening of the session of the Legislature at Springfield are still ringing in our ears, we have from Indiana the unwelcome news that the would-be rebels at Indianapolis are confederated with those of Illinois." "The Copperheads of the Legislature have undertaken to carry things with a high hand in the interest of the rebels. . . but it is beyond their strength to wrench Illinois from her Union moorings and annex the State to the dominions of Jeff Davis ”—Chicago Tribune, Jan. 14, 22.

2 I have made and had made a considerable search for the first use of the term "Copperhead." The earliest that I have found it employed is in the Cincinnati Commercial of Oct. 1, 1862, in an article entitled "Comfort for 'Copperheads.'" The writer charges the Gazette (a rival Republican journal) with a course which is "driving the fighting Democrats into the ranks of the Vallandigham party." In the Commercial when used afterwards, Copperhead is printed without the quotation marks. It occurs several times in October, November, and December, 1862. The curious may also find several illustrative uses of the word in the Chicago Tribune, Jan. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 15, 22; N. Y. Tribune, Jan. 12, Feb. 11; N. Y. Times, Feb. 13

CH. XIX.]

SEYMOUR AND VALLANDIGHAM

225

The Western partisans also gloried in the name "Butternut." "The War Democrats," in contradistinction from those who favored peace, acted at elections in the main with the Republicans, voting the Union ticket, as it was called in most of the States. It may safely be said that the men who adhered with fidelity and enthusiasm to the Democratic organization and name, found their notions represented by either Horatio Seymour, of New York, or Clement L. Vallandigham, of Ohio, both of whom had the peculiar ability which establishes political leadership. The tendency of the Eastern Democrats was to gravitate to Seymour, that of the Western Democrats to the more extreme views of Vallandigham. After the fall elections Seward wrote, "Party spirit has resumed its sway over the people."1 This is indicated by a contrast of the inaugural message of Seymour as governor of New York, January 7, 1863, with the speeches he made during the canvass. His inaugural displayed less moderation and no magnanimity. He was trenchant in criticism, but did not seem to appreciate the difficulties under which the government labored, nor to understand that the utmost forbearance was required of one in his high position. Nevertheless the course which he laid out was in the main the right one for the opposition, and, while his message was exasperating to the Republicans, there is little in it that ought to receive condemnation at the judgment bar of history.2

Robert C. Winthrop in Boston, Nov. 2, 1864, spoke as if he were not ashamed of the name. "Abandon the Constitution," he said, "and the Ship of State is left tossing upon a shoreless sea, without rudder or compass, liable at any moment to be dashed to pieces on the rocks. And though I have no heart for pleasantry on such a topic, let me add that if in such a case the good old ship shall escape such a catastrophe and be rescued from final wreck, it will be only because she will have been treated in advance to a thorough sheathing of copper from stem to stern."

Harold Frederic wrote a graphic story entitled "The Copperhead," in which the hero is a striking character.

1 Nov. 15, 1862, Life of Seward, vol. iii. p. 143.

2 The message is printed in the Public Record of H. Seymour (1868), p. 88. The Indiana legislature declined to receive Governor Morton's message, but passed a joint resolution thanking Governor Seymour "for the able