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and the closer one's knowledge of affairs the gloomier was his view; but the salient facts put into every one's mind the pertinent question, "Who shall revive the withered hopes that bloomed on the opening of Grant's campaign?"1

A resolution of Congress adopted July 2 was worthy of the Hebrews of the Old Testament or the Puritans of the English Civil War. It requested the President "to appoint a day for humiliation and prayer," and to ask the people "to convene at their usual places of worship" in order that they may "confess and repent of their manifold sins, implore the compassion and forgiveness of the Almighty, that, if consistent with his will, the existing rebellion may be speedily suppressed," and "implore him as the supreme ruler of the world not to destroy us as a people." The President, "cordially concurring . . . in the penitential and pious sentiments expressed" in that resolution, appointed the first Thursday of August to be "observed by the people of the United States as a day of national humiliation and prayer." 2

Two despatches during Early's invasion of Maryland are worthy of note. Brigadier-General West having asked Halleck by telegraph from the Continental Hotel, Philadelphia, whether he could be of service in that vicinity,3 Halleck made this grim reply: "We have five times as many generals here as we want, but are greatly in need of privates. Any one volunteering in that capacity will be thankfully received." Thomas A. Scott, who was always ready to help efficiently the government in a time of trouble, and who now offered the services of himself and his railroad,5 telegraphed from Philadelphia to Stanton, "The apathy in the public mind

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1 N. Y. World, July 12. Yet this journal was fair in its treatment of Grant, see July 1, 12, 20, Aug. 4.

2 Lincoln, Complete Works, vol. ii. p. 544.

3 O. R., vol. xxxvii. part ii. p. 81.

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4 July 11, ibid., p. 196. Halleck may have thought of Artemus Ward's proposal to raise a company composed excloosively of offissers, everybody to rank as Brigadier-General."

The Pennsylvania Railroad.

CH. XXIII.] DEPLORABLE STATE OF FINANCES-GOLD 285 509

is fearful." It might well be doubted whether men in sufficient number and money in a sufficient amount would be forthcoming to complete the work of conquering the South. The financial condition of the country was deplorable, and may be measured by the fluctuations of the price of gold. January 2 gold sold in New York at 152, and when in April it reached 175 the Secretary of the Treasury endeavored to depress the price by the sale of about eleven millions; but the effect was only temporary. It continued to advance, and by June 17 had passed 197. On this day the President approved an act of Congress which aimed to prevent speculative sales of gold, and which calls to mind futile human efforts to stay a flood. After this enactment the speculation became wilder than before, and owing to the military failures and the resignation of Chase, gold touched, on the last day of June, 250. July 2 "An Act to prohibit certain sales of gold" was repealed. July 11, when Early was before Washington and communication with that city was cut off, gold fetched 285, its highest price during the war; the next day, the day of the skirmish in the vicinity of Fort Stevens and of the rumor in Philadelphia that the capital had fallen, it sold at 282. Such prices meant that the paper money in circulation was worth less than forty cents on the dollar. As the government bonds were sold for this money, the United States were paying, with gold at 250 (at which price or higher it sold during the greater part of July and August), fifteen per cent. on their loans." Nevertheless, money could be had. The continued issue of legal-tender notes had inflated the currency. Business, though feverish, was good; and many fortunes of our day had their origin in the excited business years of 1863 and 1864, when sales were easily made, most transactions were for cash, and nearly every one engaged in trade or manufactures seemed

1 O. R., vol. xxxvii. part ii. p. 255. On the apathy in New York City, see a startling article in the N. Y. Round Table of July 16.

2 Schuckers's Life of Chase, chap. xxxvi., also p. 633; N. Y. Tribune, July 11, 13; N. Y. World, July 13; N. Y. Round Table, July 23; Boston Advertiser, Aug. 10.

to be getting rich.1 There must have been still considerable financial strength in reserve, and as the value of property depended largely on a stable government, ample funds would have been furnished in the supreme crisis for its maintenance. Even now it was an element of confidence that the Germans were making large and constant purchases of our bonds.2

But the question of men was of far greater seriousness. In spite of the large immigration, labor was scarce, and in spite of the high prices of the staples of living, seemingly well paid. The class of men who enlisted in 1861 and 1862 no longer came forward; the ranks, as the conditions of the narrative have frequently obliged me to state, were filled by mercenaries, part of whom were obtained from the steady influx of European immigrants and from robust sons of Canada who contracted their service for a stipulated sum. Notwithstanding these sources of supply, able-bodied men in sufficient number were difficult to obtain. Many of the veterans, especially those in Sherman's army, the officers generally, the hundred-days men from the Western States, who had originally organized themselves as home guards, were from the best class of the community; and sorrow, now hanging over nearly every household from the casualties of war, augmented the discouragement and gloom.

In the early days of July there was cheer at the news of the spirited duel between the Alabama and the Kearsarge off the French coast in the English Channel, which resulted in the defeat and sinking of the Confederate cruiser, while the Kearsarge suffered little, its casualties being only three wounded men; but it was the gladness over a heroic exploit and the gratification of revenge that this formidable destroyer of our commerce had at last been driven to her ruin.

That

1 George Ticknor wrote Pickard, May 10, 1864: "Luxury reigns as it never did before in Boston, New York, and through the North generally.” Life and Letters of Ticknor, vol. ii. p. 456.

2 City article London Times, Aug. 15, cited by Boston Advertiser, Sept. 1. 3 The fight took place June 19. - Nicolay and Hay, vol. ix. p. 143; Century War Book, vol. iv. p. 600. Mötley wrote, June 27: "The sinking of the

CH. XXIII.]

SHERMAN'S ATLANTA CAMPAIGN

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the destruction of the Alabama had no effect in lightening the general gloom, since it was universally regarded as of no moment towards terminating the war, demonstrates how little, if anything, the ravages of the Confederate cruiser had to do directly with the prolongation of the civil conflict.1

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Nor did the operations of Sherman dispel the gloom. Successful though they were, they lacked a striking character, and while steadily making for the destruction of Johnston's army and the capture of Atlanta, neither of these objects had yet been accomplished. July 17 Sherman crossed the Chattahoochee River, and began his movement directly against Atlanta. Jefferson Davis on the same day assisted him greatly by the removal of Johnston from the command, for the reason, in the words of the order, that "you have failed to arrest the advance of the enemy to the vicinity of Atlanta and express no confidence that you can defeat or repel him." So masterly had been the strategy of Johnston in retreat that the intelligence of his displacement was glad tidings to the Union general, and to all the officers and men in the Union army. J. B. Hood, who superseded him, had been personally known at West Point by McPherson, Schofield, and Howard, and they with Sherman proceeded to measure the new commander: the result is summed up in Sherman's words, "the change ... meant fight." 3 In truth, the removal of Johnston implied that the Confederates must take the offensive, and Hood lost no time in carrying out the design of Jefferson Davis, which confirmed the judgment of Sherman. Thrice he attacked and brought on a battle; thrice

Alabama by the plucky little Kearsarge will occasion great glee everywhere at home, and I can almost hear the shouts of delight at this distance." Letters, vol. ii. p. 164. Farragut wrote: "I would sooner have fought that fight than any ever fought on the ocean."- Mahan's Farragut, p. 252.

1 Grant shows no joy when he refers to the intelligence. — O. R., vol. xxxvii. part ii. p. 60. Mr. Pierce prints no letter in which Sumner rejoices at it. I use the word "directly," in the text, as the escape and destructive work of the Alabama might have caused war between Great Britain and the United States.

2 Johnston's Narrative, p. 349.

Sherman Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 72.

he was repulsed with severe loss: these are the battles of Peach Tree creek, July 20, Atlanta, the 22d, and Ezra Church, the 28th. The chief feature of the battle of Atlanta, which was fought within two and one-half miles of the city, was a vigorous and skilful attack by Hardee, which struck a portion of the Union line in the rear, and would have caused a panic among any but sturdy veterans; but the soldiers of the Army of the Tennessee leaped over their breastworks and fought from the reverse side. McPherson, however, their commander, was killed. Ile had just left Sherman to investigate the unexplained firing in his rear, and to make the necessary dispositions to meet it; he had already given sev eral orders, when he rode into the woods and ran into a Confederate skirmish line. The Confederates called upon him to surrender; he wheeled his horse in the attempt to ride away; there was a volley of musketry, and one of the noblest soldiers of the war fell dead. His sudden loss, telegraphed Sherman, "was a heavy blow to me." This misfortune; to gether with the Confederate claims of victory,2 contributed partially, without doubt, to the lack of comprehension of what had really been gained during the month of July in this campaign, for the general notion seemed to be that the whole story was told in the statement, "Sherman is checked before Atlanta." But in fact Hood's army had been crippled, and

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1 July 24, O. R., vol. xxxviii. part v. p. 240. He wrote the same day: "General McPherson fell in battle, booted and spurred, as the gallant knight and gentleman should wish. Not his the loss, but the country's, and the army will mourn his death and cherish his memory as that of one who, though comparatively young, had risen by his merit and ability to the command of one of the best armies which the nation had called into existence to vindicate its honor and integrity. History tells us of but few who so blended the grace and gentleness of the friend with the dignity, courage, faith, and manliness of the soldier. His public enemies, even the men who directed the fatal shot, ne'er spoke or wrote of him without expressions of marked respect; those whom he commanded loved him even to idolatry, and I, his associate and commander, fail in words adequate to express my opinion of his great worth."- Ibid., p. 241.

2 See ibid., pp. 903, 908, 909.

8 Chicago Tribune, Aug. 4; Boston Advertiser, Aug. 2.

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