national convention be held, and there will surely be no more war at all events." 1

The dissatisfaction with Lincoln found expression in New York City in a private call which had the support of many influential men for a convention to be held in Cincinnati, September 28, to nominate, if necessary, a new candidate for president. "Mr. Lincoln is already beaten," wrote Greeley, August 18. "He cannot be elected. And we must have another ticket to save us from utter overthrow. If we had such a ticket as could be made by naming Grant, Butler, or Sherman for President, and Farragut for Vice, we could make a fight yet. And such a ticket we ought to have anyhow, with or without a convention."2 Chase, in a letter to George Opdyke, showed partial sympathy with this movement. Henry Winter Davis wrote in hearty advocacy of a new candidate, and vouched for the support of Wade.3 Daniel S. Dickinson gave countenance to the enterprise, which had also the backing of Governor Andrew.5 Other prominent men, not willing to go to the length of Greeley, Davis, Wade, and Andrew, would have looked with supreme satisfaction on the

1 Nicolay and Hay, vol. ix. pp. 196, 197.

2 N. Y. Sun, June 30, 1889. The call for the convention is also therein printed.

Aug. 19, 25, ibid.

...

• Dickinson wrote, Aug. 26: "I cannot believe that Mr. Lincoln, if fully advised of the public mind, would desire to enter upon a canvass. If the necessities of the shoddy contractors and longing office-holders had been less, the Union convention would have been postponed to September, and the true popular sentiment might be consulted and obeyed. . . . The war has been protracted beyond popular expectation. Men and money have been given freely. The helm has not been held with a firm and steady grasp, and there is a cry of change, which, no matter whether wise or illfounded, should be both heard and heeded."— Ibid. See, also, Dickinson's Letters and Speeches, vol. ii. p. 650.

5 Memoir of J. A. Andrew, Chandler, p. 111. It is a tradition that Andrew's objection to Lincoln, growing out of his own radical views and associations, was heightened by an incident during a visit of his to the White House. While the governor was setting forth a matter he had at heart, the President, by way of putting him off, told him in illustration a smutty story, which turned the manner of his presentation into ridicule and caused him disgust.

CH. XXIII.]

DISSATISFACTION WITH LINCOLN

519

withdrawal of Lincoln that a stronger candidate might be named.1 In Boston a number of radicals asked Frémont if he would withdraw from the canvass provided that Lincoln would do the same. He did not answer this question categorically, but suggested a new "popular convention upon a broad and liberal basis," and by implication a new candidate. The proposition that both Lincoln and Frémont should retire from the field received the support of Richard Smith, the editor of the Cincinnati Gazette. "The people regard Mr. Lincoln's candidacy as a misfortune," he wrote. "His apparent strength when nominated was fictitious, and now the fiction has disappeared, and instead of confidence there is distrust. I do not know a Lincoln man, and in all our correspondence, which is large and varied, I have seen few letters from Lincoln men.

The withdrawal of Lincoln and Frémont, and the nomination of a man that would inspire confidence and infuse a life into our ranks would be hailed with general delight." 8

Acutely conscious of public sentiment, did Lincoln, in view of the yearning for peace, change his ground from his "To Whom it may Concern" manifesto of July? He certainly did not in any published missive, but he revealed his mind in words written down in the form of a letter which probably was never sent. "If Jefferson Davis," he wrote, "wishes for himself, or for the benefit of his friends at the North, to know what I would do if he were to offer peace and reunion, saying nothing about slavery, let him try me."

1 E. g. Charles Sumner, Amasa Walker, L. Robinson, John Jay, Whitelaw Reid. See their letters Aug. 29-Sept. 2, N. Y. Sun, June 30, 1889; Pierce's Sumner, vol. iv. p. 197; see, also, Lieber's letter to Halleck, Sept. 1, Life and Letters, p. 350.

2 Appleton's Annual Cyclopædia, 1864, p. 791.

8 N. Y. Sun, June 30, 1889.

4 Many peace meetings were held in Ohio, a notable one at Peoria, Ill. Vallandigham addressed a large peace meeting at Syracuse. He had returned to Ohio in June, 1864, and went about unnoticed and unmolested by the President. - Columbus Crisis, Aug. 10, 24; Life of Vallandigham, p. 351 et seq.; Nicolay and Hay, vol. vii. p. 359.

5 Aug. 17, ibid., vol. ix. p. 217; see, also, draft of instructions to Ray mond, ibid., p. 220.

On the face of things this may seem a change of ground. In July he made two conditions for peace, Union and the abandonment of slavery, now only one, reunion, "saying nothing about slavery;" but if the conversation of Jefferson Davis with Jaquess and Gilmore had sunk deeply into his soul, the change was one of words and naught in essence. "You have already emancipated nearly two millions of our slaves," Davis said, "and if you will take care of them you may emancipate the rest. I had a few when the war began. I was of some use to them; they never were of any to me. Against their will you emancipated' them; and you may 'emancipate' every negro in the Confederacy, but we will be free! We will govern ourselves! We will do it, if we have to see every Southern plantation sacked, and every Southern city in flames!" 1

Lincoln's eager desire for military success was expressed, on the day of his seeming change of ground, in a despatch to Grant, wherein is the quaint phraseology which brings a smile when read at the present day, although undoubtedly used with no attempt at humor, but, on the contrary, with a sad and heavy heart. "I have seen your despatch," he said, "expressing your unwillingness to break your hold where you are. Neither am I willing. Hold on with a bulldog grip, and chew and choke as much as possible." 2

The Democrats, who were to meet in convention at Chicago on August 29, were sure to nominate McClellan, who was the most popular man they could name. As he would receive the support of the Democrats and of a certain conservative element in the Union party, and since Frémont would draw off the radicals from their ordinary party allegiance in some of the doubtful States, the election of Lincoln was endangered, and the jubilation of the Democrats at their prospect of sucwas, in the existing state of the public mind, well

cess

1 Down in Tennessee, Kirke (Gilmore), p. 279. See Seward's speech, Sept. 3, Works, vol. v. p. 502. For an allusion of Lincoln to a declaration of Davis to Jaquess and Gilmore, see Lincoln, Complete Works, vol. ii. p. 553. 2 Aug. 17, ibid., p. 563.

CH. XXIII.] LINCOLN'S RE-ELECTION SEEMS IMPOSSIBLE

1

521

founded. The friends of Lincoln became alarmed. August 22 Thurlow Weed wrote to Seward: "When, ten days since, I told Mr. Lincoln that his re-election was an impossibility, I also told him that the information would soon come to him through other channels. It has doubtless ere this reached him. At any rate, nobody here doubts it, nor do I see anybody from other States who authorizes the slightest hope of success. Mr. Raymond, who has just left me, says that unless some prompt and bold step be now taken all is lost. The people are wild for peace. They are told that the President will only listen to terms of peace on condition [that] slavery be abandoned." The Republican National Executive Committee met in New York City for consultation: this was the report given, August 22, to the President of its deliberations by Henry J. Raymond, its chairman, the editor of the New. York Times, the representative of a wing of the Republican party which had steadfastly supported the administration and was antagonistic to the faction headed by Greeley. "I feel compelled," Raymond wrote, "to drop you a line concerning the political condition of the country as it strikes me. I am in active correspondence with your stanchest friends in every State, and from them all I hear but one report. The tide is setting strongly against us. Hon. E. B. Washburne writes that, were an election to be held now in Illinois, we should be beaten.' Mr. Cameron writes that Pennsylvania is against us. Governor Morton writes that nothing but the most strenuous efforts can carry Indiana. This State, according to the best information I can get, would go 50,000 against us to-morrow. And so of the rest. Nothing but the most resolute and decided action on the part of the Government and its friends can save the country from falling into hostile hands. Two special causes are assigned for this great reaction in public sentiment, the want of military successes, and the impression in some minds, the fear and suspicion in others, that we are not to have peace in any event under this Administration

6

1 Nicolay and Hay, vol. ix. p. 250.

until slavery is abandoned. In some way or other the suspicion is widely diffused that we can have peace with Union if we would. It is idle to reason with this belief - still more idle to denounce it. It can only be expelled by some authoritative act at once bold enough to fix attention and distinct enough to defy incredulity and challenge respect." 1

The reading of the sentiment of the country by Lincoln affords us a glimpse into his soul which discloses judgment of affairs, patriotism, and magnanimity. August 23, the day probably on which he received Raymond's letter, he wrote this memorandum to be seen at that time of no one: "This morning, as for some days past, it seems exceedingly probable that this Administration will not be re-elected. Then it will be my duty to so co-operate with the President-elect as to save the Union between the election and the inauguration, as he will have secured his election on such ground that he cannot possibly save it afterwards." 2

August 29 the Democratic National Convention met in Chicago. Governor Seymour was its permanent chairman, but in its proceedings Vallandigham 3 seemed equally influential. Seymour and his following dictated the candidate, McClellan being nominated for President on the first ballot; but Vallandigham drew up the important resolution, carried it through the committee, and got it adopted by the conven

1 Nicolay and Hay, vol. ix. p. 218. Raymond went on to suggest a peace commission to make proffers of peace to Davis, which he had little doubt would be rejected, and the rejection of them would "unite the North as nothing since the firing on Fort Sumter has hitherto done." For the sequel of this, ibid., pp. 220, 221.

2 Ibid., p. 251. In my study of this subject I have consulted the files of the N. Y. Tribune, World, Times, Independent, Round Table, Boston Advertiser, Springfield Republican, and Chicago Tribune. See especially the Tribune, July 25, Aug. 4, 12, 17, World, July 21, Aug. 11, 17, 20, Times, Aug. 10, 24, Sept. 8, Round Table, July 23; Springfield Republican, Aug. 2, Cincinnati Gazette, Aug. 27, cited by the Tribune; Forney's Chronicle cited by the World, Aug. 18; see Seward's private letters, Life, vol. iii. pp. 238, 239, 240, 241.

8 See note 4, p. 519.