GOOD GOVERNMENT CLUBS.

T the polls on Election Day, November 6, 1894, there appeared over two thousand men wearing badges of a strange device, "Good Government Club," which worked a spell hitherto unknown, and operated with an influence until then unfelt. Behind that little badge stood a compact organization of not less than five thousand men, who were ready, if need be, to die as Robert Ross died at Troy-in defense of the rights of citizens in the exercise of the elective franchise. No opposition was manifested by election inspectors or police. The poll clerks were generally respectful, and Tammany heelers deferential-in striking contrast with the fraudulent conduct of elections in 1893.

This change was brought about in large measure by the steady growth and strong purpose of the Good Government Clubs, whose members were known to be determined to prevent a repetition this year of the crimes committed in previous years at the polls.

In 1893 certain members of the City Club, then only a year old, deemed it wise to organize clubs in each Assembly District, in such manner that its membership might include men of honorable occupation in every street and representing every phase of city life, who were favorable to reform in municipal affairs. These members of the City Club went out as missionaries full of energy, hope and sympathy, regardless of previous political relations and social condition. They were soon joined by other men of like faith, and went into streets and avenues, lanes and by-ways, and with earnest and fraternal greeting assured men that the city was in danger, that the liberties of the people were in peril, and unless open revolt from misrule should come at once, the city and nation would become a by-word and reproach at home and abroad. And thus by house-to-house visitation the number of adherents to the new gospel of honest government on business principles, regardless of National politics, multiplied rapidly, so that it was possible to organize four clubs in different parts of the city, before the end of '93, and they were incorporated under the names of Good Government Clubs A, B, D and E respectively.

As soon as fifty men or more could be pledged to work together for reform, a temporary organization was formed, and when encouraged by promise of increase and adequate financial support from dues at the rate of fifty cents a month from each member, they opened club rooms at central points, where social and

educational aims might be realized among neighbors and people whose local interests made it desirable for them to know each other and to confer on matters of mutual concern. One club elected as its vice-presidents a butcher and an iron moulder. Founded thus on principles imbedded in human nature, and stimulated by daily revelations of unspeakable corruption in the police and other departments, the standard set up by these clubs was recognized by the people as emblematic of civic pride and purity and their confidence was given without reserve. It was in no spirit of dissatisfaction, but rather from a desire to aid and supplement them, that the Committee of Seventy was called into being by the older men in the organization. Many Good Government Club men were placed on that Committee in order to secure that combination which provides old men for counsel and young men for action.

Twenty other clubs were organized in 1894, representing almost every shade of political opinion, religious creed and nationality, but in whose gatherings only matters common to all as citizens were discussed, and only the action approved by all was undertaken.

In these clubs, at their several headquarters, every municipal subject has been discussed, regardless of its bearing upon State or National politics, and thousands of men who were strangers have come to know and rely upon each other as friends and neighbors, and newly-awakened citizens have mutually pledged their support. Masses of men have thus become solidified, civic truths crystallized, and economic principles of municipal administration, once unfamiliar, have become as household words.

The efforts made for the overthrow of the enemies of Good Government were heroic, in view of the personal sacrifices made by club members, and for a time were all-absorbing, but it was recognized and declared that the recent election was merely an incident in the plan and scope of club work. It is clearly understood that the movement was not intended to be spasmodic, periodic or volcanic, but continuous, persistent and aggressive. Its educational work includes weekly lectures and debates, in which all members, in their respective clubs, are invited to join-and the range of subjects includes every department of municipal government, every principle of administrative reform, and every subject of interest to citizens, who are the owners of a vast urban estate; to fathers of children to be educated; to householders, with families to be cared for, and to merchants, citizens and workers in every sphere of activity, who require peace for the development of their enterprises. The following list of subjects discussed before one club, whose report is before me, will illustrate : "How to get Good Government."

"Civil Service Reform."

"Political Partnerships for Public Plunder."

"The Abuses of the Elective Franchise at Troy, where the Martyr, Robert Ross, was Slain."

"The School System of New York."

"The Corruption and Maladministration in the Police Department." "Municipal Art. "

"Municipal Improvement."

"Fraudulent Elections in New York."

"Ballot Reform."

"The Iniquities of Boss Rule."

"The Labor Question."

"Tenement Houses."

Eminent speakers treated these subjects in a manner well calculated to interest and instruct. One great problem which confronted us was how to keep up an active interest in club work, in the absence of the cohesive power of spoils or hope of reward. It was recognized that patriotic devotion to the city must be the foundation, but it was understood that patriotism most easily shows itself under great provocation and after intervals of rest. The plan adopted has been successful, and consists in giving every club specific work and every member something to do, for which they are held responsible, and involves the scrutiny and criticism of every department of municipal government throughout the year. Clubs have, therefore, divided their membership into committees on:

Lectures and Debates, Entertainment, Grievances, Library, Schools, Finance, Campaign, Literature and the Press, Legislation, Membership, Conference, and the like, and every member is assigned to specific work upon one of these committees or sub-committees. And clubs have accepted assignments. of special work-one club taking Parks and Police, another Charities and Correction, a third Public Schools, a fourth Dock Department, and so on, until every Department and Bureau of the city is placed under scrutiny.

Another problem was how best to preserve the individuality and independence of the clubs while uniting them in one harmonious whole for work of general and mutual interest. Its solution was found in the organization of a Council of Confederated Clubs formed by delegates annually elected from each club on a numerical basis which gives one representative for each hundred members-no club, however, to have more than six delegates. These delegates meet at regular intervals for action upon all matters which pertain to the city as a whole-the local clubs being free to act in all local matters, and free to bring before the central body, through its delegates, all questions of general interest.

The Council assigns to each club the special work for which it is best fitted, and, upon acceptance of such assignment, the clubs in the system recognize the predominance of each club in the designated field of labor and cooperate only when requested so to do by the club in charge.