and although willing to acknowledge my inferiority to the American negociators who had preceded me in the matter, yet I was not disposed on account of their failure to shrink from the discharge of a duty imposed on me by my government. To me indeed the whole question appeared much less alarming than his lordship had described it to be. Andthat if Mr. King had really been mistaken with regard to the near completion of an adjustment, his lordship must, on an attention to the whole correspondence at the time, acquit him from the imputation of any excessive want of penetration.

As to the supposed ignorance in America of the revocation of the orders in council, at the time my instructions were dated, I observed, that if this ignorance did in fact exist, yet, from certain expressions in those instructions, an expectation of such a measure seems to have been Confidently entertained, and the orders in council appeared no longer to form an obstacle to a conciliation. However this might be, it ought not to be supposed that the American government would be ready to abandon one main point for which it contended merely because it had obtained another, which was generally considered to be of minor importance, and to submit to the continuance of impressment on account of the discontinuance of the orders in council. At any rate, having authorized me to propose terms of accommodation here, it would probably wait for information concerning the manner in which they had been received, before it would consent to more unfavorable conditions. In the mean time, the war would be prosecuted, and might produce new obstacles to a pacific arrangement. I was happy to learn that the failure of a former negociation concerning impressment could not be ascribed to a want of sincerity and moderation in the American government; and I hoped the mode now suggested for securing to G. Britain her own seamen might remove the difficulties which had hitherto embarrassed this question. If the people of England were so jealous and sensitive with regard to the exercise of this harsh practice, what ought to be the feelings of the people of America who were the victims of it? In the U. S. this practice of impressment was considered as bearing a strong resemblance to the slave trade, aggravated indeed in some of its features,

as

the Negro was purchased already bereft of his liberty, and his slavery and exile were at least mitigated by his exemption from danger, by the interested forbearance of his task master, and the cónsciousness that if he could no longer associate with those who were dear to him he was not compelled to do them injury-while the American citizen is torn, without price, at once from all the blessings of freedom and all the charities of social life, subjected to military law, exposed to incessant perils, and forced at times to hazard his life in despoiling or destroying his kindred and countrymen. It was matter of astonishment that while G. Britain discovered such zeal for the abolition of the traffic in the barbarous and unbelieving natives of Africa, as to endeavor to force it on her reluctant allies, that she should so obstinately adhere to the practice of impressing American citizens, whose civilization, religion. and blood, so obviously demand a more favorable distinction.

I next pointed out to his Lordship the difference between the propositions which I now submitted, and those contained in my note of the 24th of August. That although the object of both was essentially the same, there was great diversity in the manner of obtaining it. The discontinuance of the practice of impressment, which was before required to be immediate and constitute a formal preliminary to an armistice, was now deferred to commence contemporaneously with the operation of the law of the U. States prohibiting the employment of British seamed, and was consigned, with the other conditions, to a separate and informal arrangement. In this way it was no doubt intended, by respecting

the feelings of the British government, to obviate any objection which might have been the mere suggestion of its pride.

I finally offered in order to answer at once all the observations and enquries of Lord Castlereagh, that the proposed understanding should be expressed in the most general terms-that the laws, to take effect ou the discontinuance of the practice of impressment, should prohibit the employment of the native subjects or citizens of the one state, excepting sach only as had already been naturalized, on board the private and public ships of the other-thus removing any objection that might have been raised with regard for the future effect of naturalization or the formal renuciation of any pretended right. With regard to blockades, f proposed to follow the same course, and only to agree that none should be instituted by either party which were not conformable to the acknowledged laws of nations-leaving the definition of such blockades, and all other details, to be settled by the commissioners in the definitive treaty. I was disappointed and grieved to find that these propositions, moderate and liberal as they were, should be treated in a manner which forbid me to expect their acceptance. I was even asked,by Mr. Hamilton if the U. S. would deliver up the native British seamen who might be naturalized in America? Altho' shocked at this demand, I mildly replied that such a procedure would be disgraceful to America without being useful to G Britain-that the habits of seamen were so peculiarly una@commodating that no one would patiently go through the long probation required by law, to become the citizen of a country where he could not pursue his professional occupations and that not to employ him in this way would be virtually to surrender him to G. Britain. I was disposed to believe, however, that a reciprocal arrangement might be made for giving up deserters from public vessels.

Here, perhaps, I owe an apology to my government, for having, without its precise commands, hazarded the overture above mentioned, relative to British subjects who may hereafter become citizens of the U. S. In taking this step, however, I persuaded myself that I did not trespass against the spirit of the instructions which I had received; and had the proposition been accepted, I should not have been without all hope that it would have been approved by the President, as its prospective operation would have prevented injustice, and its reciprocity disgrace. Should I however, urged by too great a zeal to produce an accommodation, have mistaken herein the intentions of the President, I still should have derived some consolation from reflecting that this proposition, thus frankly and explicitly made, afforded an opportunity of satisfactorily testing the disposition of this government and might be useful in removing much misconception and error. The refusal of this proposition sufficiently explains the view with which I was assailed with the ostentatious parade of the abortive negociations relative to impressment; the exaggeration of its pretended difficulties; the artificial solemnity given to its character; the affected sensibility to the popular sentiment, concerning it; and the fastidious exception taken to my pow ers, and proves most unequivocally the predetermination of the British government to reject, at this time,, every overture for the discontinuance of this degrading practice.

Most unfeignedly desiring to suspend the existing hostilities between the two states with a reasonable prospect of finally terminating them in a manner honorable to both, I perhaps presumed with too much earnestness theadoption of the arrangement which I was instructed to propose; for lord Castlereagh once observed somewhat loftily, that if the American gov erament was too anxious to get rid of the war, it would have an opportu nity of doing so on learning the revocation of the orders in council,I felt

constrained on this occasion to assure his Lordship that the anxiety of the American government to get rid of the war was only aproof of the sincerity with which it has constantly sought to avoid it,but that no event had occurred, it was apprehended, to increase this anxiety. His Lordship, correcting his manner, rejoined, that it was not his intention to say any thing offensive, but merely to suggest that if the American government sincerely wished for a restoration of the friendly relations between the two countries, it would consider the revocation of the orders in council as affording a fair occasion for the attainment of that object. After a pause of a few moments he added, that if the U. S. did not avail themselves of this occasion, not only to put an end to the war, which they had declared but to perform the conditions on which those orders were revoked, that the orders would, of course revive. I could not forbear to remind his Lordship,that when Itook this view of the subject,in my note of the 24th of Aug.he had found it to be incorrect; but hoped that, now I was so fortunate as to agree with him on this point,some provision would be made, in case the terms proposed for an armistice should be accepted to prevent the revival of those edicts. His lordship attempted to explain, but I could not distinctly seize his meaning.

The conversation ended with an assurance on the part of his lordship that he would with as little delay as possible communicate officially to me the decision of the Prince Regent, and I took my leave, forbidden to hope, that, while the present opinion of the American people prevail here this decision will be favorable.

I have the honor to be, with great consideration and respect, sir, your faithful servant. JONA. RUSSELL.

LETTER

From Mr. Russell to the Secretary of State, inclosing a correspondence with Lord Castlereagh, on the subject of the repeal of the Orders in Council.

SIR,

Mr. Russell to Mr. Monroe.

LONDON, 25TH MAY, 1812.

I have the honor to hand you herein a copy of my note of the 20th of this month, communicating to Lord Caftlereagh a decree of the French government, dated the 28th of February, 1811, and of two letters of the French minifters of the 25th of December, 1810. I alfo fend you copies of that decree, and of a note from his lordfhip, acknowledging the receipt of my communication, and engaging to fubmit the documents above mentioned to his royal highnefs the prince regent.

(Signed)

I have the honor, &c.

The Hon. James Monroe, &c.

JONA. RUSSELL.

Mr. Russell to Lard Castlereagh.

The undersigned, charge d'affaires of the United States of America, has the honor to transmit to Lord Caftlereagh authentic copies of a decree purporting to be paffed by the emperor of the French on the 28th of April, 1811, of a letter addreffed by the French minifter of finance to the director gen. eral of the customs on the 28th December, 1810, and of another letter of the fame date from the French minifter of juftice to the prefident of the council of prizes.

As thefe acts explicitly recognize the revocation of the Berlin and Milan decrees, in relation to the United States, and diftinctly make this revocation to take effect from the 1ft November, 1810, the undersigned cannot but perfuade him felf that they will, in the official and authentic form in which they are now prefented to his Britannic majesty's government, remove all doubt with refpect to the revocation in question, and, joined with all the powerful confiderations of juftice and expediency fo often fuggested, lead to like repeal of the British orders in council, and thereby to a renewal of that perfect amity and unrestricted intercourfe between this country and the U. States, which the obvious interests of both nations require. The underfigned avails himfelf, &c.

18, Bentick-ftreet, 20th May, 1812.

TRANSLATION.]

JONA RUSSELL.

PALACE OF ST. CLOUD,

28th April, 1811. Napoleon, Emperor of the French, &c. &c. On the report of our Minifter of foreign relations:

Seeing by a law paffed on the 2d March, 1811, the congrefs of the United States has ordered the execution of the provifions of the act of non-intercourfe which prohibits the veffels and merchandize of Great Britain, her colonies and dependencies, from entering into the ports of the United States.

Confidering that the faid law is an act of refiftance to the arbitrary pretenfions confecrated by the British orders in council, and a formal refufal to adhere to a fyftem invading the independence of neutral powers and of their flag; we have ordered and do decree as follows:

The decrees of Berlin and Milan are definitively, and to date from 1ft November laft, confidered as not exifting in regard to American veffels.

(Signed)

NAPOLEON.

By the emperor, the minifter fecretary of state.

(Signed)

THE COUNT DARA.

Lord Castlereagh to Mr. Russelt.

FOREIGN OFFICE, May 23, 1812. Lord Castlereagh prefents his compliments to Mr. Ruffell and has the honor to acknowledge the receipt of his official note of the 20th inftant, tranfmitting copies of two official letters of the French government, bearing date the 28th of April, 1811. Lord Castlereagh will immediately lay thefe documents before his royal highness the prince regent, and avails himself of this opportunity to renew to Mr. Ruffell the affurances of his high confideration.

Jonathan Russell, efq. &c.

SIR,

Mr. Russell to the Secretary of State.

LONDON, 26th June, 1812.

I have the honor to hand to you herein, an order of coun. cil of the 23d of this month, revoking the orders in council of the 7th of January, 1807, and of the 26th of April, 1809.

To this decree I have added copies of two notes of the fame date from lord Caftlereagh, accompanying the communication of it to me, and alfo a copy of my answer.

With great refpect and confideration,
I am, &c.

(Signed)

JONA. RUSSELL.

At the court at Carlton House the 23d of June, 1812, present his Royal Highness the Prince Regent in Council.

Whereas his royal highness, the prince regent, was pleased to declare, in the name and on the behalf of his majefty, on the 21ft day of April, 1812, "that if at any time hereafter the Berlin and Milan decrees fhall, by fome authentic act of the French government, publicly promulgated, be abfolutely and unconditionally repealed, then and from thenceforth the order in council of the 7th of January, 1807, and the order in council of the 26th of April, 1809, fhall, without any further order, be, and the fame are hereby declared from thenceforth to be wholly and abfolutely revoked.

And whereas the charge des affaires of the United States of America, refident at this court, did, on the 20th day of May laft, tranfmit to lord vifcount Caftlereagh, one of his majefty's principal fecretaries of state, a copy of a certain ioftrument then for the first time communicated to this court, purporting to be a decree passed by the government of France on the 28th day of April, 1811, by which the decrees of Berlin and Milan are declared to be definitively no longer in force in regard to American vessels.

And whereas his royal highness, the prince regent, although he cannot confider the tenor of the faid inftrument as fatisfying the conditions set forth in the faid order of the 21ft day of April