had been entered into with his Swedish | nothing towards the accomplishment of majesty to subsidize a certain number of that object. With what views then could Swedish troops to be employed on a parti- ministers have introduced into the king's cular service, and which treaty rested on the speech, this big promise of doing a great basis of the former one: the only difference deal, while in effect they had done nothing, being, that instead of 14,000 men for except with the invid.ous one of endeavour. which the former treaty stipulated, the pre-ing insidiously to contrast their own conduct sent treaty made an addition of 4000 men with that of their predecessors in office? to the former, making in the whole 18,000 Lord Hawkesbury thanked the noble lord men; the addition to be on the same terms for having afforded him this opportunity of as the number of troops originally stipula- explanation. The passage in the speech ted. With respect to what regarded to which the noble lord had aliuded proPrussia, there could scarcely be any differ-mised no more than his majesty's ministers ence of opinion; as the urgency of his had been prepared to perform. Their proPrussian majesty's affairs appeared to re-positions to the continental powers were quire it. Some advances of money had not confined to what ap eared in the papers been made to relieve him. In addition now before their lordships, but embraced to the 80,000l. advanced by the late offers of much greater magnitude in case administration, his majesty's present go. of further and more extensive co-operation, vernment had made a further addition of But they still kept pace with the efforts 100,000.; the other assistance in arms, am-which those powers were likely to make, munition, &c. amounted to 200,000l. These were the sums to be made good; and the object of the address he was about to move was, that their lordships do concur in making good the sums. His lordship concluded with moving and reading an address to that effect.

and with the degree of effect with which it was probable they might be attended. Unfortunately, however, the hopes of this more effectual and successful co-operation were now at an end; and no more pecuni ary advances had been made to our allies than those referred to in his majesty's message.

Lord Holland would not object to the address; but, at the same time, he could no Lord Holland here took occasion to inhelp observing, that he was at a loss to veigh against the principle of holding out conceive the grounds upon which minis-to foreign powers the temptation of subsiters proceeded in making this second trea-dies, in order to excite them to take a part in ty, if they saw that his Swedish majesty the war. He himself bad witnessed the was unable to carry the first into execution. mischievous effects of that principle, and it No doubt his Swedish majesty would have was one which he should ever reprobate done every thing in his power to fulfil his and resist, as influencing the conduct of engagement. this country, with respect to its continental The Earl of Lauderdale felt very anxious connections. The attempt prematurely to be informed, if the papers upon the tato plunge other powers into hostilities bad ble contained every thing which his majes- made the most unfavourable impression ty's ministers had done towards procuring abroad. Such allurements on our part continental co-operation, and more inti- seemed to make the subjects of the sovemately cementing our continental connec-reigns in alliance with us imagine that their tions and alliances. If they had done no governments bartered their blood for Brimore, how could they justify the language tish gold, and so far that idea went to dewhich they put into his majesty's speech, stroy the moral energy by which they might at the close of the last session? A pom-wield the physical strength which we were pous paragraph was there introduced, which so ready to purchase from them. He heid forth to the country the assurance, should ever set his face therefore against the that ministers had been employed in draw-throwing out of such enticements, and he ing closer the ties that connected us with had seriously to regret that we had too our allies, and in preparing the means of long and too often acted upon that prin co-operation and concert, by which alone ciple. a rational hope could be entertained of re- Lord Mulgrate was astonished to bear sisting the ambition of the enemy, and of the noble lord indulge in such observations, finally procuring a solid and safe peace.and impute to his majesty's government Surely, what appeared from the papers now motives and views which had never guided upon the table, could contribute little or their conduct. Where was the proof that

his majesty's present ministers ever held cause it was known to have been in the out subsidies as allurements and entice-contemplation of the late administration ments to draw other powers into the war; to bring forward a measure, little dif and what opinion must the noble lord en-ferent from that which was now proposed, tertain of those powers of the continent, and with which, of course, the noble lords who, while their crowns, their dominions, on the other side would not be much distheir honour, their independence, every posed to quarrel. In that hope, he should thing dear and sacred to such person- move that the bill be now read a second ages, were threatened with utter ruin, time. could still remain unalarmed and inert, and Lord Holland rose, not to oppose the be prompted into action only by the infilu- priuciple of the bill, or perhaps even its ence of British subsidies? Such a supposi-provisions, though there were some of tion was too absurd to be seriously attend- them which he wished to see amended, but ed to; and as to the system of the late ad- to give it an assent, which, however, was #ministration, to which the noble lord so wrung from him with sorrow, and only by fondly referred, and seemed so anxious to the gripe of an extreme and lamentable nebring under discussion, he could fairly say, cessity. He felt it to be a necessity not that the inertness and folly of that admi- only painful to his feelings, but degrading nistration, had formed the heaviest obsta- to his character as a member of that house. cle with which the present government had How long was the imperial parliament to to struggle. They had never prepared continue to legislate for Ireland in the spirit auy oue practical means by which our al- of this measure, that is, in defiance of the lies could be assisted, or that could inspire best principles of the constitution, in the them with the hopes of contending success- blessings of which we cannot allow that fully with the common enemy. Their unfortunate country to participate? Were measures were adopted without foresight, these the promises are these the fruits of conducted without energy, and, consequent. the union? But, if he was compelled to ly, had produced no effect. The question submit to the humiliation and the hardship was then put on the address, and agreed to of assenting to such a measure, the causes nem, diss. at least should be enquired into, which pro [IRISH INSURRECTION BILL.] Lord duced the dire necessity upon which alone Hawkesbury moved the order of the day it was attempted to be justified. These for the second reading of tins bill. He felt causes chiefly appeared to be,the disabilities it to be a measure of great importance, and that hung upon the Catholics in that disit was natural to expect he should adduce tracted country, the pressure of the tithes, some reasons for its adoption. Measures and the efforts that were systematically of a similar nature had often been resorted made to keep alive religious animosities be to by the parliament of Ireland, the neces- tween the Catholics and the Protestants sity of which had grown out of the French in Ireland. On each of these causes, the revolution, and the principles which the au- noble lord descanted. He was well a thors of it had attempted to disseminate quainted with the character of Irishthroughout every country. Associations men, and no character did he ever see more had at different times been entered into in conspicuously marked by benevolence, gethat part of the empire, in which oaths were nerosity, and courage: what, then, was it administered, and engagements entered in- that created in that country those inextinto, for the worst of purposes. To counter-guishable discontents which called so often act these practices, a bill of the nature of lor the enactment of measures like the prethe present was first introduced. If such sent? It must be something of a nature practices were dangerous then, how much the most imperious, when it urged men to more so must they be in the present state forego the blessings of civilized society itself, of Europe and of the empire, and when the and the advantages of a constitution such fate of Ireland was more closely linked as this country boasted of and was blessed than ever with the fate of this country, and with. That was the source of the evil of the continent ? He could not, under which we were bound to explore; and if it such circumstances, foresee that any ma- was duly explored, the remedy must soon terial objections would be made to the bill, be discovered. The fact was, the great not only because it was brought forward in majority of the people of Ireland were dea milder shape than that in which the par-prived of the full enjoyment of the consti❤ liament of Ireland had passed it, but be- tution, and they felt themselves injured

and degraded by the suspicions which gave this country, and trace them to such rise to that deprivation. Englishmen loved speeches as he himself had just made. He and admired the constitution, because they might also trace their object to the princienjoyed all its benefits; could it then be ples avowed by the leaders of the late refairly expected that the people of Irelandbellion in that country, who avowed theinshould equally love and admire that con-selves to have other objects in view than stitution, from the full enjoyment of the be-Catholic emancipation, or parliamentary nefits of which they were debarred? No, reform. Against the operation of such

many persons would have escaped from the sword of justice, who, on account of that injudicious lenity, had fallen under it. So little was the real state of Ireland understood, and consequently so ill adapted the means employed to govern it!

it was not in the nature of things; it was principles it was that measures like the prenot in the composition of the human heart: sent must be adopted; and perhaps the indulge them in that fair enjoyment, and more frequent enforcement of them might their murmurs would be appeased and si-bave prevented the spreading of disorders, leuced. As to the tithes, he was happy to and the mischiefs that sprung from them. think that ministers meditated some mea- He admired much the personal characsure of relief, and if so, they so far should ter of the noble duke who was lately at the have bis most cordial support. Would head of the Irish government; but had that that they might also be brought to discoun-noble person allowed the county of Mayo tenance the means by which religious to be proclaimed during the excesses of the animosities were fomented in Ireland, Threshers, the contagion would not have where, by the principles instilled by the cate-spread into the adjoining counties, and chisms taught in the charter schools, the infant mind of the Protestant was poisoned with prejudices against the Catholic. Yet those who encourage that system of education, accuse the Catholic of uncharitableness and intolerance-the early vices which they themselves must be conscious they are indulging against those very persons to whom they impute. But was not that the height of uncharitableness? Was it not a refinement of tyranny, a tyranny that fell short of that which characterized that most accomplished of tyrants, Tiberius? In all that he had said, however, with respect to the exclusion of the Catholics from what be considered their rights, let him not be misunderstood to suppose, that it ought to be a motive on their part for disaffection, much less for forming a connection with another country. He could not blame them, under that exclusion, for loving the constitution a little less than the people of this country; but although their rights might be diminished, they would assuredly obtain no rights whatever, by connecting themselves with another country; they would obtain nothing but a government by the sword.

The Duke of Bedford felt himself called upon to answer so serious a charge as that which the noble earl had made against him, and which amouuted to nothing less than that the blood of the unfortunate people who lost their lives in consequence of the late disturbances in Ireland must rest upon his head. In reply to this, he begged leave to state, that shortly after his arrival in Ireland, he received an application, not from the county of Mayo, but from the magistrates of the county of Sligo, to proclaim martial law there; but after every attention he could give to the subject, and after taking the best counsel he could procure, he thought so severe a measure unnecessary, and therefore resisted the application. He was satisfied in his own conscience, that his intentions were good. He had acted according to the best of his judgment, and he left it to the country to decide upon his

conduet.

The Earl of Limerick was sorry to hear The Earl of Limerick, in explanation, obthe language and the sentiments that fell served, that he had never said that the from the noble lord, for they could be pro- blood of the people who had suffered was ductive of no good. Why eternally intro- on the head of the noble duke. He had duce the claims of the Catholics? why in-only stated his opinion, that if this law had sinuate that they had reason not to love the Constitution, and that at a moment when they enjoyed almost every thing the constitution could bestow? If the noble lord wised to trace the cause of the discontents in Ireland, ke perhaps might find them in

been applied on the first appearance of the disturbances, the extension of the insurrection would have been prevented.

Lord Kingston contended, that the magistrates in the county of Sligo were the real promoters of the disturbances. The

conduct of many of them was such, as to gressive. In the mean time, we knew that disgrace the magistracy; and some of them a violent spirit of disaffection was widely rather deserved to be hanged than to be diffused, and against the immediate presmade magistrates. Indeed, he knew one sure of this danger it was absolutely necesone of them, who had the halter round his sary to guard. Where the people were neck, during the rebellion: and if such affectionately disposed towards their rulers, were the heads, how could the people be the slightest exertion of authority might brought to respect them? be sufficient to maintain the execution of the law: but if we should attempt to apply the same principles of conduct to a coun

The Earl of Hardwicke was inimical to the practice of proclaiming districts where it could possibly be avoided. With re-try, where so opposite a spirit prevailed as spect to the bill, its necessity had been so forcibly urged to him by persons possessing a competent knowledge of the state of Ireland, that he could not object to it.

in Ireland, the most fatal effects might ensue. Experiencing, however, the excessive danger to which we were now exposed from the disaffection of Ireland, it was of the utLord Carleton deprecated the tendency of most importance not to rest satisfied with that line of argument which the noble lord the measures of severity, to which we were on the opposite bench (lord Holland) had compelled by the immediate pressure of thought proper to pursue, because he danger, but to look forward, and take effecthought that argument calculated to justify tual measures for obtaining a radical and the disturbances which had so long agita- fundamental cure of the evil. The objected Ireland. With regard to the state- tions against the measure of Catholic emanments of the noble lords who had lately cipation he was convinced were groundless, presided over the government of Ireland, and that the danger apprehended from puthe could not admit that they should ope- ting power into the hands of the Catholics rate against this bill. For although those was imaginary. We now, indeed, saw tle noble lords, in the circumstances which Catholics a formidable political part, arose during their respective administra- closely combined among themselves; bit tions, saw no necessity for acting on the if religious distinctions had never been law which this bill proposed to re-enact, it made a ground of civil disabilities, that did not therefore follow that the bill was combination would never have existed. If unnecessary. civil disabilities were imposed on every The Earl of Hardwicke, in explanation, man whose name began with a P, we stated, that this bill was much more obnox-should immediately force the P's to become ious to him than the existing law, because by this bill the responsibility of those who were to execute the law was in a great measure done away in consequence of the introduction of new clauses.

a party, they would coalesce to obtain relief, and if violently opposed, they too would become violent and dangerous. If the Catholics were placed as to every civil privilege, on the same footing as other subThe Earl of Selkirk declared, that it was jects, we should soon hear as little of the with the utmost reluctance he could give Catholics as a political party, as we hear his assent to any such measure as that be- of the faction of the P's. The only plausifore the house; but being convinced of its ble argument to the contrary was foundnecessity, he could not refuse to vote for ed on the ambition of the Romish clergy. the bill. He was convinced of the import- Undoubtedly, it must be expected that ance of conciliatory measures in Ireland, they, like every other body of dissenting and he fully concurred in the opinion that clergy, would cast a longing eye on the nothing was more rare, than that a general rich benefices of the established church. spirit of disaffection should prevail in any But there would be little to fear from the country, except through the faults of the ambition of the Roman Catholic clergy, if government. In Ireland, particularly, it the laity did not make a common cause was evident that the prevailing disaffection with them. The true way, therefore, to had proceeded from a long train of mis-disarm this danger, was to grant to the management: but this had been so long Roman Catholic laity all their separate obcontinued, and its effects had become so jects. If the civil disabilities of the Catho inveterate, that it was impossible to remove lics were repealed, there would be no the evil at once. Conciliatory measures longer any community of interest between might do much with the help of time, but their clergy and their laity. To undertheir effect could only be gradual and pro-stand the situation of Ireland, let us bring VOL. IX.

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the power of any minister to resist the measure of Catholic emancipation, as it would now be to carry it. The Roman Catholics might safely trust their cause to the effects of this progress in the public mind: and those could not be considered as their real friends, who should force on any premature attempt to carry through the measure before circumstances were ripe for it.The bill was then read a second time.

the case home to ourselves; let us suppose | measure, and yet we had heard noble lords that the invasion of the enemy should be speak as if it were at once to render the successful, that our estates were to be par-Irish a united people. With respect to the celled out to French generals, that the general question of Catholic Emancipation, property of every Englishman were to be the noble earl expressed his regret that abandoned as fair plunder to the, French the prevailing prejudices of this country soldiery, that such of our gentry and yeo- were still so strong, that there was little maury as should survive the ruin of their probability that it could now be carried. country, were forced to labour for their These prejudices, however, were evidently bread, beneath the contumelious taunts of a on the decline. Notwithstanding all the set of insolent foreigners, could any one attempts that had lately been made to raise believe that the people of England would a cry of No Popery, that cry had had but a soon be reconciled to their new masters, very partial success; and when this was and would not eagerly grasp at any oppor- compared with the events of the year 1780, tunity of throwing off the yoke? A long it afforded decisive proof of a progress in course of time might obliterate the memo- the public mind. That progress would ry of those galling circumstances, and, aid-assuredly go on, and the time might be ed by a mild and conciliating policy, might anticipated, when it would be as little in blend the conquerors and the conquered into one people. But, if instead of a wise and conciliating policy, the intruders, giving way to their native insolence, should treat their subjects with contumely, abolish all their favourite institutions, insult their religion, and attempt to force an odious superstition upon them, seize every opportunit of marking contempt for their lauguage and manners, and crown the whole by numerous instances of personal insult [AMERICAN INDEMNITY BILL.] The and oppression, would it be surprizing, if following is a copy of the Preamble moved ages should elapse before the English nation by lord Holland on the report of the were reconciled to their conquerors? And American Indemnity bill. (see page 806.) if such would be the feelings of Englishmen, Whereas, by an act of parliament made could we wonder that the proscriptions of in the 12th year of his late majesty king queen Elizabeth and James I., of Cromwell Charles II, intitled "An act for the eand of king William, should still excite in-couraging and increasing of trade and dignation in the minds of the Irish? Among navigation;" It is, among other things, these causes of disaffection, religion had enacted, "That no goods or commodities, acquired an apparent consequence which" whatsoever, of the growth, produce, or did not naturally belong to it, as it had be-" manufacture of Asia, Africa, or America, come the badge of national distinction, and" or any part thereof, be imported into the bond of union among men, sympa- "Eugland, Ireland, or Wales, Islands of thizing in the same indignaut feelings. But" Guernsey and Jersey, or town of Berreligious intolerance was so far from being" wick upon Tweed, in any other ship or the main and original cause of Irish disaffec-" ships, vessel or vessels whatsoever, but tion, that, in the native dialect of the Irish," in such as do truly and without fraud bethere was not a word to express the dis-" long only to the people of England or tinction of Protestant and Roman Catholic, Ireland, dominion of Wales, or town of except the national appellation of an" Berwick upon Tweed, or of the lands, Englishman and an Irishman.. Till we" islands, plantations, or territories, in Asia, were prepared to grant the demands of the " Africa, or America, to his majesty be Catholics, partial concessions, yielded to" longing, as the proprietors and right own importunity, would only serve to keep up ers thereof. "And whereas by an act a spirit of restlessness, and fan the flame of of parliament made in the 12th year of his discontent. The expectations which some late majesty king Charles II. intitled, “A have entertained from the measure which subsidy granted to the king, of Tonnage and was brought forward by the late adminis-Poundage, and other sums of money payatration, seemed to be most extravagant, ble upon merchandize exported and importThe Catholics themselves disclaimed thated, "it is declared, that " No rates can be

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