The American Way of Strategy: U.S. Foreign Policy and the American Way of Life

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Oxford University Press, 02.10.2006. - 304 страница
In The American Way of Strategy, Lind argues that the goal of U.S. foreign policy has always been the preservation of the American way of life--embodied in civilian government, checks and balances, a commercial economy, and individual freedom. Lind describes how successive American statesmen--from George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, and Alexander Hamilton to Franklin Roosevelt, Dwight Eisenhower, and Ronald Reagan--have pursued an American way of strategy that minimizes the dangers of empire and anarchy by two means: liberal internationalism and realism. At its best, the American way of strategy is a well-thought-out and practical guide designed to preserve a peaceful and demilitarized world by preventing an international system dominated by imperial and militarist states and its disruption by anarchy. When American leaders have followed this path, they have led our nation from success to success, and when they have deviated from it, the results have been disastrous. Framed in an engaging historical narrative, the book makes an important contribution to contemporary debates. The American Way of Strategy is certain to change the way that Americans understand U.S. foreign policy.

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A World Safe for American Democracy
41
The Future of the American Way of Strategy
149
Notes
261

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Страница 9 - Hence likewise they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty; and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty. In this sense it is, that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty; and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other.
Страница 31 - The third is freedom from want — which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants — everywhere in the world. The fourth is freedom from fear — which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position 242 to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor — anywhere in the world.
Страница 49 - While then every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and, what is of inestimable value! they must derive from union an exemption from those...
Страница 58 - Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.
Страница 59 - There is on the globe one single spot, the possessor of which is our natural and habitual enemy. It is New Orleans, through which the produce of threeeighths of our territory must pass to market...
Страница 17 - Those, who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety, deserve neither liberty nor safety.
Страница 18 - The Constitution of the United States is a law for rulers and people, equally in war and in peace, and covers with the shield of its protection all classes of men at all times and under all circumstances.
Страница 58 - Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course.
Страница 178 - The equality of nations upon which peace must be founded if it is to last must be an equality of rights; the guarantees exchanged must neither recognize nor imply a difference between big nations and small, between those that are powerful and those that are weak.
Страница 6 - This conjunction of an immense military establishment and a large arms industry is new in the American experience. The total influence economic, political, even spiritual - is felt in every city, every state house, every office of the federal government.

О аутору (2006)

Michael Lind is the Whitehead Senior Fellow at the New America Foundation. Lind has been Assistant to the Director of the U.S. State Department's Center for the Study of Foreign Affairs and executive editor of The National Interest. He is the author most recently of What Lincoln Believed: The Values and Convictions of America's Greatest President (2005). Lind has written several books of nonfiction, fiction and poetry, including The Radical Center: The Future of American Politics (with Ted Halstead, 2001) and The Next American Nation (1995). He has been an editor or staff writer at The New Yorker, Harper's Magazine and the New Republic, and writes frequently for The New York Times, The Washington Post and The Financial Times. He lives in Washington, D.C.

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