Moreover, they make no distinction between armies Chapter III constituting a complete military weapon, equally adapted to attack or defence, and those which, either by the short duration of service or by their distinctive qualities, manifestly are intended to have only a defensive character. This is precisely the case with the Swedish and Norwegian armies, organized on the basis of obligatory service of at least some months, and being now in a stage of transformation. When I state that the greater number of cadres of the Swedish army exists under a system dating back two centuries, I believe I have said enough to convince you that this is not an organization which we could agree to maintain even for five years. We have, therefore, not given our vote in favor of the Russian proposition, such as it has been formulated, and I state this fact with the sincerest regret - I may say more, with great sorrow-for, gentlemen, we are about to terminate our labors, recognizing that we have been confronted by one of the most important problems of the century, and confessing that we have done very little toward solving it. It is not for us to indulge in illusions; when the results of our labors. shall have become known, there will arise, notwithstanding all that we have done for arbitration, the Red Cross, etc., one grand cry, This is not enough,' and most of us in our conscience will have to admit. the justice of this cry. It is true, our conscience will also tell us, as a consolation, that we have done our duty, for we have evidently followed our instructions; but I venture to say that our duty is not finished, Speech of Bildt of Norway. Chapter III and that there yet remains something else to accomplish. Let me explain what I mean. The act of the Russian Emperor has already been covered with all Sweden and the flowers of rhetoric, by men much more eloquent than I. Let me content myself with saying, that while the idea is grand and beautiful, and while it responds to a desire felt by millions upon millions of men, it may further be said that it cannot die. If the Emperor will only add the virtue of perseverance to the nobility of heart and the generosity of spirit which he has shown throughout the Peace Conference, the triumph of his labors is assured. He has received from Providence not only the gift of power, but also that of youth. If the generation to which we belong is not destined to accomplish this work, he may count upon that which will soon come to take our places. To him belongs the future, but in the meanwhile we, who wish to be, each one in his own small sphere of activity, his humble and faithful co-laborers, we have the duty to seek, and to explain to our Governments with entire frankness and entire veracity, each imperfection, each omission which may be shown in the preparation or the execution of this work, and to tenaciously strive after the means of doing better and doing more, whether this means be found in new conferences, in direct negotiations, or simply in the policy of a good example. This is the duty which it remains for us to fulfil." The speech of Baron de Bildt was warmly applauded and created a profound impression. M. Bourgeois thereupon took the floor, and spoke Chapter III as follows: Bourgeois of "I have been happy to listen to the eloquent Speech of M. remarks which Baron de Bildt has just delivered. France. They express not only my personal sentiments and those of my colleagues of the French delegation, but I am sure that they also express the feelings of the entire Conference. I wish to join in the appeal which the delegate of Sweden and Norway has just made. I believe that to express completely the thought by which it was animated, the committee must do something more. I have read carefully the text of the conclusions adopted by the sub-committee. This report shows with great precision and force the difficulties now in the way of the adoption of an international treaty for the limitation of effectives. It was for the purpose of examining these practical difficulties that the subject was referred to this subcommittee, and no one can think of criticising the manner in which it has accomplished its task. But this first committee of the Conference should consider the problem presented by the first paragraph of the circular of Count Mouravieff from a point of view more general and more elevated. We certainly do not wish to remain indifferent to a question of principle presented to the civilized world by generous initiative of His Majesty the Emperor of Russia. It seems to me necessary that an additional resolution should be adopted by us, to express more clearly the sentiment which animated the last speaker, and which makes us all hope and wish that the Bourgeois of Chapter III the work here begun may not be abandoned. The Speech of M. question of principle may be stated very simply. Is it desirable to limit the military charges which now weigh upon the world? I listened with great care in the last session to the remarkable speech of General von Schwarzhoff. He presented with the greatest possible force the technical objections which, according to his view, prevented the committee from adopting the propositions of Colonel Gilinsky. It did not, however, seem to me that he at the same time sufficiently recognized the general ideas in pursuance of which we are here united. He showed us that Germany is easily supporting the expense of its military organization, and he reminded us that notwithstanding this, his country was enjoying a very great measure of commercial prosperity. belong to a country which also supports readily all personal and financial obligations imposed by national defence upon its citizens, and we have the hope to show to the world next year that we have not gone back in our productive activity, and have not been hindered in the increase of our financial prosperity. But General von Schwarzhoff will surely recognize with me that if in his country, as well as in mine, the great resources, which are now devoted to military organization, would, at least in part, be put to the service of peaceful and productive activity, the grand total of the prosperity of each country would not cease to increase at an even more rapid rate. It is this idea which we ought not only to express here among ourselves, but which, if possible, we I should declare before the public opinion of the world. Chapter III It is for this reason that if I were obliged to vote on the question put in the first paragraph of the proposition of Colonel Gilinsky, I would not hesitate to vote in the affirmative. Besides, we have hardly the right here to consider only whether our particular country supports the expense of armed peace. Our duty is higher. It is the general situation of all nations which we have been summoned to consider. In other words, we are not only to vote on questions appertaining to our special situation. If there is a general idea which might serve to attain universal good, it is our duty to emancipate ourselves. Our object is not to form a majority and a minority. We should refrain from dwelling upon that which separates us, but emphasize those things upon which we are united. If we deliberate in this spirit, I hope we shall find a formula which, without ignoring the difficulties which we all understand, shall at least express the thought that a limitation of armaments would be a benefit for humanity, and this will give to the Governments that moral support which is necessary for them, if they are to still further pursue this noble object. Gentlemen, the object of civilization seems to us to be to abolish more and more the struggle for life between men, and to put in its stead an accord between them for the struggle against the unrelenting forces of matter. This is the same thought which, upon the initiative of the Emperor of Russia, it is proposed that we should promote by international agreement. If sad necessity obliges us |