to the United States and other Neutrals that they should urge Peace upon the Powers and if refused stop all supplies to belligerents. As the year went on the German journals increased their propaganda and were aided by a wealthy German merchant named Lubeck, while Von Eckhardt remained as German Minister; in November the Associated Press correspondent was deported, despite United States protests, and there were continuous allegations of German efforts to tamper with the oil-fields. On Sept. 13 the Washington Government made public further German correspondence via Sweden, which involved Von Eckhardt and showed that on Mar. 8, 1916, he had written to Herr Von BethmannHollweg, German Chancellor, a letter which showed important side-lights upon the preceding Argentine-Swedish revelations. it he asked that Herr Cronholm be recommended for an Imperial German decoration in return for "information from a hostile camp."

Japan and
China in the

World-War.

In

Japan originally entered the War under a treaty which limited its prescribed action to Eastern interests and territories but had been read in a broad spirit so far as naval co-operation was concerned. The latter was freely given by protection to Allied troopships and supply ships in both the Pacific and the Mediterranean, by patrolling the Indian Ocean from bases in the Straits Settlements, by protecting British interests along the Pacific-American coasts, in helping to fight Submarines in many waters. During 1917, and especially because of the Russian collapse, unofficial discussions were had in France, Italy and England as to a Japanese expeditionary force in Europe. A leading obstacle lay, as was pointed out by Maoshi Kato, a London-Japanese journalist,* in transportation: "To send half a million of troops to the Western front by sea would require a vast transport tonnage. Where is this tonnage to be found? A few divisions, for purposes of morale, would never do, for we Japanese are not the people to be contented with half-measures.' Another difficulty was the tremendous prosperity which had come to the country as a result of war conditions in munitions, supplies, shipbuilding and varied collateral industries; still another lay in the Oriental indifference of the people and the curious fact that every care was being taken to safeguard German property, rights and commercial privileges in Japan where, though the country was at war with Germany, commercial relations were maintained despite an official request from the British Government on July 1, 1915.

There had been a willingness to aid Russia by men as well as with money and munitions, but the Czar's Government did not desire such help or else could not handle it and the Revolutionary Governments did not quite know what they wanted. Yet 1,000,000 or more troops might have been made available under terms and conditions and would perhaps have turned the tide of war in the East; as late as October a Japanese credit of $33,000,000 was given the Kerensky Government-making a total to all the Allied Governments of about $550,000,000 since the War began-according to a *NOTE.-English Review for December, 1917.

speech by Baron Megata in the United States on Oct. 31. A 1917 incident in connection with Russia was the publication of the Treaty with the Czar in the previous year which guaranteed the independence of China so far as other Powers were concerned.

It marked a growing dominance of Japan in China which already had been proven by its civil and military advisers to the rulers at Pekin, its official efforts to obtain financial aid for China, its education of thousands of Chinese students in Japanese institutions, its intervention in Chinese internal reforms. German influence at this time in China was also considerable and during the year a sustained propaganda, directed from Pekin, had done its best to create misunderstandings in Japan as to England and British policy. From Chinese headquarters a stream of pamphlets and leaflets along this line-printed in English, German and Japanese-poured into the hands of the editors, professors and publicists of Japan as they also reached everywhere in China. It was only partially effective, however; the Terauchi Government was confirmed in office at the Elections, and at the close of the year, the Emperor Yoshihito opened Parliament with this statement:

The European war is becoming more and more important. It becomes us to devote our efforts toward more effective co-operation with the Allied Powers. We expect the Alliance to secure the full fruits of victory and to obtain objects with which we heartily sympathize. We are prepared to co-operate to the fullest extent of our ability while maintaining peace in the Orient. In consequence of present conditions we have ordered our Ministers to present plans having to do with the necessities of national defence.

Meanwhile, relations with the United States had taken a new and better turn. Early in the year Viscount Kaneko, a political leader, came out in favour of an economic alliance with the United States in respect to China; Dr. Kazutami Ukita, historian and Editor of the Taiyo magazine, expressed similar views and stated that Japan, Great Britain and the United States would in future dominate the Pacific ocean; American and Australian opinion assumed a Japanese ambition to establish a Monroe Doctrine for the East. The interjection of the German-Mexico plot evoked from Aimaro Sato, Ambassador at Washington, the following statement on Mar. 1: "With regard to the alleged German attempt at inducing Japan and Mexico to make war upon the United States, the Japanese Embassy desires to state most emphatically that any invitation of this sort would in no circumstances be entertained by the Japanese Government, which is in entire accord and in close relations with the Allied Powers, on account of formal agreements and of common causes, and moreover, whose friendship with the United States is every day growing in sincerity and cordiality."

On Aug. 22 a Special Imperial mission from Japan arrived at Washington headed by Viscount Ishii and including Vice-Admiral Takeshita, Maj.-General Sugano, and others. In presenting his credentials to the President Viscount Ishii concluded as follows: "This is no ordinary war. It is an issue between common morality and an inhuman system of calculated aggression which would render all friendly intercourse impossible. The welcome fact that the

United States stand side by side with the Allied Powers is a guaranty of early victory, and His Imperial Majesty hails it as such with deep gratification." Addressing the United States Lower House on Sept. 5 the Envoy stated that Japan was doing in the War, and would do, everything that the resources of the country would allow. He also warned the House to be on guard against "the insidious treachery that has found hiding places in our midst, and for the last ten years has sown the seeds of discord between us."

There followed prolonged discussions between the State Department and the Mission with, as it afterwards appeared, the Chinese situation as the chief subject. Meanwhile Viscount Ishii, who was a cultured and able speaker, spoke at a number of banquets and functions; at Boston on Sept. 18, declaring Japan to be in the War on the side of America and the Allies "to win with you, to co-operate, to co-ordinate and to contribute." At Washington on the 21st he told the Press Club of German secret agencies at work in the East and the West: "Every prejudice, every available argument has been appealed to, and in all countries to-day fraud, deception, treachery and all the forces of evil are wearing disguises most difficult to penetrate. For more than ten years a propaganda has been carried on in this country, in Japan, and, in fact, throughout the world, for the one and sole purpose of keeping nations of the East and West as far apart as possible; to create distrust, suspicion and unkindly feeling, all in order that Germany may secure advantages in the confusion." The Envoy was warmly welcomed in New York and given several banquets, etc. He visited San Francisco and other points before sailing for home. Formal agreements in this connection were come to between the United States and Japan as to Chinese affairs and on Nov. 2 Robert Lansing, U.S. Secretary of State, wrote a formal review of the new understanding which Viscount Ishii, for his Government, promptly confirmed:

The Governments of the United States and Japan recognize that territorial propinquity creates special relations between countries, and, consequently, the Government of the United States recognizes that Japan has special interests in China, particularly in the part to which her possessions are contiguous. The territorial sovereignty of China, nevertheless, remains unimpaired and the Government of the United States has every confidence in the repeated assurances of the Imperial Japanese Government that while geographical position gives Japan such special interests, they have no desire to discriminate against the trade of other nations or to disregard the commercial rights heretofore granted by China in treaties with other Powers. The Governments of the United States and Japan deny that they have any purpose to infringe in any way the independence or territorial integrity of China, and they declare, furthermore, that they always adhere to the principle of the so-called 'open door,' or equal opportunity for commerce and industry in China. Moreover, they mutually declare that they are opposed to the acquisition by any Government of any special rights or privileges that would affect the independence or territorial integrity of China, or that would deny to the subjects or citizens of any country the full enjoyment of equal opportunity in the commerce and industry of China.

In London on Oct. 12 Viscount Chinda, Japanese Ambassador, referred to this Mission as a brilliant success and about the same time a Special Finance Commission from Japan was in the United States studying war finance, methods and possible economic relations of a closer nature. As to this latter point it may be stated that

copper, coal and petroleum were the chief Japanese minerals in course of exploitation. The chief imports were flour, raw cotton, machinery, railway rolling-stock, rice and oil-cake, and the principal exports silk, cotton, copper, matches, straw-plait, sugar, coal, porcelain, bronze and lacquer-ware, with, of course, the recent addition, on a huge scale, of munitions and materials of war. War expansion had come, especially, in the sheet-glass industry, in paper and flour, cotton-spinning and raw silk exports; the country was converted from a borrower into a lender, with a widespread determination to capture the trade of the East wherever possible.

As to China it continued to find an increasing place in Western opinion and discussion. Its republican institutions, though nebulous in form and doubtful in strength, brought it more into touch with Europe and America, while its relations with Japan had a similar effect. On Jan. 23 Viscount Motono, Japanese Minister of Foreign Affairs, made this statement in the Diet at Tokio: "Under the influence of ambition Germany took possession of Tsing-tau in 1898 with the object of preparing for the future occupation of the whole of China. This fact, which no one can dispute to-day, was one of the objects of the great pan-German propaganda and minute preparation for war." On Feb. 21 it was announced that certain disputes between China and Japan had been settled under agreements which involved the engagement of Lieut.-General Aoki as military adviser in China.

On Mar. 11 the Chinese Senate by 158 to 37 votes decided to sever all relations with Germany and the Lower House agreed by 331 to 87. President Li-Yuan-Hung was at first opposed to this policy but gave way eventually; Sun Yat Sen, the former President, also was opposed to war. The influence of United States action, however, was considerable in China and this was a response to President Wilson's appeal for neutral support in the Submarine issue. Other influences leading to this result were (1) an intimation from Japan that its Government would have no objection; (2) a promise from the Entente to grant certain concessions, such as the suspension of the burdensome Boxer indemnities for the period of the War; (3) the extension of the right to raise customs duties above the statutory 5% under existing treaties; and (4) the removal of foreign troops installed along the Pekin-Mukden Railway since the Boxer outrages. Without awaiting the formal declaration of war China seized the German merchant ships in her ports and interned the crews and put an end to the use of the country as a centre of Germany's eastern propaganda.

The event marked the loss of one more of Germany's economic bases with companies capitalized at $250,000,000 and a trade which had increased 120% in 8 years preceding the War. China had already sent 100,000 labourers to assist the Allies behind the Western front; an immense further supply now became available and was at once drawn upon by Britain, under new arrangements, for service in Mesopotamia and elsewhere. Then came three months of revolution and counter-revolution. Finally, the war party won and on Aug. 14 a Pro lamation was issued, declaring war on Germany

and on Austria-Hungary, on the ground that Germany had not shown regret for her methods of Submarine warfare and thus compelled China to take action in the interests of humanity, and with the object of enforcing recognition of International law. Austria was included because she had shared the war policy pursued by Germany. The abrogation of all treaties, agreements, and conventions with these Powers was announced. Austrian shipping was seized, making a total, with German ships, of about 40,000 tons; financial obligations to Germany were cancelled and her extra-territorial privileges abrogated; the British King sent a despatch of congratulation to the President and, on Sept. 17, a plan to ship a trial division of 24,000 Chinese troops to France was announced-the actual transportation beginning early in the new year. On Nov. 12 the Chinese Government issued a declaration as to the United States and Japan agreement, which concluded with the statement that "the Chinese Government will not allow herself to be bound by any agreement entered into by other nations."

als and Presi

The Pope's The year 1917 was one in which Germany and her Peace Propos- Allies stood to gain in any Peace by arrangement, or dent Wilson's Peace without victory. They held much Allied terriReply tory in Europe and were acquiring more in Russia; they were fairly united in aim and policy and grew relatively stronger, as the year drew to a close, in both men and guns. In the first year or two of the War their rulers and leaders had promised the people large enemy indemnities to meet the cost and privations and losses of the struggle together with rich regions of Europe and the world for settlement and exploitation; these promises were not so assured in 1916 and 1917 and were often replaced by a vague repetition of the words "no indemnities and no annexations" as opposed to the Allied demand for reparation and restitution. Official language never adopted these specific wordsthough some politicians did; officially-aided propaganda used them freely.

If victorious the German demands would still be what they had been throughout the War-heavy money indemnities and the acquisition in one form or another of the conquered regions with, also, vaguely stated territories in Asiatic Turkey. If defeated the Peace programme would be helpful and in any case would divide and confuse public opinion amongst the Allies. In one respect the Pacifists of Germany and its Militarists were agreed; they would accept a Peace based on the existing war-map of Europe. To attain their aims the propaganda for peace was shown in a sweep of German articles after the 1916 Battle of the Somme and again in December; during the discussion of the official German appeal to Neutrals to obtain a Peace Conference and after President Wilson's Message asking for Peace terms or proposals; later, at certain stages of the War during 1917. The German part of the movement culminated in the Reichstag, on July 19, when a Resolution was presented and carried by 214 to 116 votes, with 17 not voting, which was discussed throughout the world and as to which the new