"to either lead the people or get out of the way." At Woodstock on May 13 he was explicit as to recruiting: "The time is too critical not to speak out plainly; we cannot meet the situation any longer by voluntary enlistment," and at North Bay, before the Canadian Club, on May 16, he came out definitely for Coalition of some kind: "Do you see any hope of our moving forward as a united nation, exerting our utmost efforts to win the War, and grappling courageously with our own domestic problems, unless we create a War Government? Do we not need a Government which will command the confidence of the whole people, which will have the moral authority to adopt the measures necessary to meet the present critical situation, and which will move courageously and quickly along the path of duty, irrespective of personal or party consideration?

While political leaders were rather academically arguing for or against Coalition of some kind the public was discussing the subject much more seriously. The Winnipeg Ministerial Association (Jan. 15) passed, unanimously, a Resolution demanding a Government "representing as far as possible the geographical divisions, races, classes and main interests of Canada, and the highest administrative and scientific talent of the nation." It was supported by Rev. Dr. S. G. Bland, a vigorous Liberal, and followed by a motion in favour of Conscription-the two very often going together in public expressions of opinion during these months. On Jan. 25 and other dates the Toronto Star contained whole pages of telegraphed answers to the question of whether or not the time had arrived for "the Prime Minister to bring into his Cabinet representatives of all parties and of the ablest business men available, thus organizing a truly National Canadian Government." Of the first 304 replies received 211 or 70% were wholly favourable to National Government; of the others 82 were opposed and 11 indecisive. Those concerned were Reeves, Mayors, Presidents of Canadian Clubs and Boards of Trade throughout the Dominion and were thoroughly representative men. From the West a batch of 65 replies were published on Feb. 3 and showed 80% of an affirmative nature. On Jan. 24 the Winnipeg Canadian Club voted unanimously for the following Resolution:

That the Club respectfully urges the Prime Minister: (1) To re-organize the Administration along national lines by including men of recognized organizing capacity wherever they may be found, irrespective of party affiliations or Parliamentary experience; (2) to give adequate representation in such re-organization to all classes of the nation who are contributing to the desired result; (3) following the example of Great Britain to concentrate executive authority in a War Council of few members -such re-organization to be carried out without appeal to the electors.

The Toronto Canadian Club endorsed the same Resolution by a postal vote of 749 to 106. The Winnipeg Board of Trade (Jan. 25) declared in favour of War Government under the lead of Sir R. Borden who "should assign any work directly connected with the prosecution of our share in the War to men whose executive and business capacity is recognized throughout the Dominion; that these men should be chosen solely on account of that capacity and without regard to territorial, racial, religious, political or other ordinary or traditional considerations; that they should constitute

a war council and proceed along the same general lines as the corresponding organization in Great Britain, and that re-organization should be carried out without an appeal to the electors." The Rotary Club of Winnipeg followed (Jan. 24) with a Resolution calling for the "entrusting of war-time administration to a broadly national Cabinet made up of men individually qualified for the emergent task, and together representative of all important classes of the community, irrespective of pre-war party distinctions." The Vancouver Board of Trade (Mar. 2) urged a Coalition of the two Parties and the British Columbia Methodist Conference (May 23) called for a National Government. Meanwhile, a Win-the-War movement had originated in Toronto at a meeting called and presided over by J. M. Godfrey of Bonne Entente effort in 1916. It was attended by Sir Douglas Cameron of Winnipeg, Archbishop McNeil of Toronto, S. R. Parsons, Sir Wm. Mulock, Lieut.-Colonels R. W. Leonard and Kelly Evans, Rev. Dr. W. H. Hincks and a number of others. The immediate objects were described as a National Convention at Montreal for the purpose of backing up the Borden, or any other, Government, in the one great purpose of energetic war-action. Lieut.-Col. Lorne Mulloy, Kelly Evans and B. A. Gould-an American author and publicist who had recently become a British subject -were the chief speakers and organizers of the movement. Many Win-the-War meetings were held throughout the country and delegates appointed to go to Montreal; re-organization of the Government or a Coalition was kept out of the speeches and resolutions but not out of the private discussions surrounding the announced objects. The National Unity Convention, as it was finally termed, met at Montreal on May 23-5 with 500 delegates present including Hon. J. A. Mathieson, Premier of P.E. Island, Archbishop Worrell, Halifax, Sir W. Mulock, J. M. Godfrey and Frank Wise, Toronto, Mr. Justice Russell and Chief Justice McLeod, Fredericton, Mrs. H. C. Harrington, L. S. Klinck and Hon. A. C. Flumerfelt, Victoria, Lieut.-Col. L. W. A. Mulloy, Dr. W. H. Atherton, Montreal, L'Abbé D'Amour, Quebec, and Lieut.-Col. R. O'Leary, Richibucto, N.B. Horace J. Gagne presided with Mr. Flumerfelt as joint Chairman. Resolutions were passed in favour of a Food Controller, of French and English-Canadian co-operation in War effort, of regulation in the importation and manufacture of luxuries and more ample provision for soldiers and dependants. A Win-the-War and Canadian Unity League was formed with H. J. Gagne, Montreal, as President, and Frank Wise, Toronto, Secretary-Treasurer. The final and chief Resolution was as follows:

That, in order that Canada may do its utmost towards winning the War, it is essential that the country be thoroughly organized along non-partisan lines for all branches of national service developed through local Boards so as to ensure: (1) The provision of necessary re-inforcements for the army. (2) The maximum production of food, munitions and other necessaries. (3) The necessary diversion of man-power and woman-power from their pursuits to be carried out with the least possible derangement of agricultural, industrial and economic efficiency.

(4) The Government to requisition and restrict, when necessary, public utilities, factories, industries or other businesses, and require them to be operated by or for the Government with such a provision for remuneration as the Government shall consider just.

Sir Robert

The discussion, so far, had been tentative and preparatory for conditions which far-seeing men felt were Borden's First inevitable; yet it was lacking in leadership and light

Efforts for Union Government.

upon the basic issues involved. It remained for the Prime Minister, on his return from England and presentation to the country of the imperative need for Conscription and united effort, to give the vital impetus which the somewhat sluggish movement required. No hint was given in the Premier's speech of May 18 as to coalition; nor was much said about it for some days except as to the difficulties of enforcing Conscription by a party Government with the overhanging prospect, also, of a general election. Then, on May 27, it became suddenly clear that a re-organization of the Government, in order to face the new issues involved, was on the tapis. Sir Robert Borden (May 28) asked the Opposition Leader to meet him on the following day and then explained fully the War situation as he had been advised in detail during recent meetings of the Imperial War Cabinet and in the freest possible discussions with British leaders; stated the conclusion he had come to that compulsory military service was essential to carry on Canada's military work and duty and explained the provisions of the proposed Bill; suggested the formation of a Coalition Government and asked the co-operation of Sir Wilfrid Laurier upon the basis that outside of the Prime Minister, each of the two political parties should have an equal representation in the Cabinet; urged the importance of avoiding, if possible, a war-time Election.

The Liberal leader replied* with an expression of regret that he had not been consulted prior to the announcement as to Conscription; with the statement that he "dreaded very serious difficulties" if such a law were passed by the existing Parliament; with advice against holding any Caucus meeting during negotiations and the statement that he would consult Sir Lomer Gouin and other friends. He also intimated that Conscription should not be enforced until approved at a Referendum or general election. At the same time the Premier formulated his proposals in writing as follows: "That a Coalition Government should be formed; that the Military Service Bill should be passed; that a pledge should be given not to enforce it until after a general election; and that Parliament should be dissolved and the Coalition Government should seek a mandate from the people." Further conferences of the leaders followed on June 1st and on the 4th, with the personnel of the proposed Government under consideration and no insuperable difficulties anticipated -according to Sir Wilfrid Laurier's letter of June 6 following. Meanwhile, the whole country was interested and political circles. greatly disturbed, perplexed and, in Ottawa, excited. The press teemed with rumours, all manner of public men and prominent personages were represented as possible or impossible Cabinet figures. Amongst Liberal guesses Hon. G. P. Graham, F. F. Pardee and Michael Clark were favourites; amongst non-political names

* Narrative given in a letter to the Prime Minister dated June 6 and made public

on the 7th.

those of Lord Shaughnessy, J. W. Flavelle, Z. A. Lash, Sir Adam Beck, were mentioned; it was generally asserted in Liberal papers that Messrs. Crothers, Cochrane, Hazen, Roche, and Burrell would retire in any serious re-organization. There was a tendency in the Liberal press to support Coalition and the Ottawa correspondent of the Toronto Globe, as early as May 27, wrote that Liberals had a "sincere desire to do what is considered best for the national interest in securing stability of government and all possible unity of national action towards winning the War."

That paper, however, continued its editorial attacks upon the Government and on May 29 declared that: "Sir Robert Borden has forfeited the confidence of the Canadian people. It is a dangerous experiment to force an extension of the life of the Borden régime by any scheme of reconstruction that does not rest on the consent of the two historic parties in Parliament." The Toronto Star (May 28), however, urged the Premier to call on Sir W. Laurier for help-which he had done on that very day. The Conservative press, some of it grudgingly, swung into line behind the Premier; Sir Wilfrid Laurier and F. F. Pardee, Chief Liberal Whip, went to Montreal on the 30th and consulted Sir Lomer Gouin, Hon. R. Lemieux, Hon. J. L. Décarie, Provincial Secretary, S. Létourneau, M.L.A., Montreal district organizer; on the same day the Toronto News correspondent wired that a Union Government now seems certain and imminent and it is understood will not include Sir Wilfrid Laurier, but have his approval"; on the following day Sir Wilfrid Laurier was in Ottawa again and the press declared the result of the negotiations uncertain. It was generally believed at this stage that Gouin of Quebec, Rowell of Ontario and Murray of Nova Scotia had been invited to join a Coalition Government. At a Halifax function (May 30) the Premier, Hon. G. H. Murray, declared that this "is a time when the very best should be given the country, when Liberals and Conservatives should lay aside their party feelings and unite for the one great object of presenting a united and unanimous front to the world." A. K. Maclean, M.P., a former member of the Nova Scotia Government, was understood to have charge of negotiations in Nova Scotia and left Ottawa at this time for Halifax; G. E. McCraney, M.P., figured in the later negotiations in the West, F. B. Carvell in New Brunswick, and F. F. Pardee in Quebec and Ontario. Hon. Arthur Meighen was stated to have an active place in preliminary and subsequent discussions. On June 2 an Opposition Caucus took place and on the 4th the two leaders held brief conference-a matter of information to Sir Wilfrid on certain points, the Premier stated-with indications along the line of a favourable settlement.

Then something happened. Up to this date, according to Sir Wilfrid's letter of June 6, no impassable or serious divergence existed and only questions affecting personnel were under discussion. Yet on the 6th a final conference was held and to quote his own words to the Premier Sir Wilfrid said: "I answered that I had not seen my way clear to join the Government on the terms proposed. I asked you at the same time if Conscription was the only basis, to

which you replied in the affirmative." The reason advanced for the refusal was, therefore, Conscription; but that issue was the same on May 28 and June 1 or 4, as it was on the 6th! Difficulties within both parties were obvious. The French-Canadians were almost a unit against the Compulsion Act and any Coalition aimed at its passage and enforcement; Western Liberal leaders, though they did not come into this stage of the discussion, were not, outside of Manitoba, inclined to be favourable; many active Liberals, everywhere, believed at this time that a general election would return Sir Wilfrid to power, solve the Quebec issue, give the West freer trade and Reciprocity, promote recruiting by new and more united effort. Moreover, the continued retention of Hon. R. Rogers in the Cabinet was a Liberal stumbling-block and probably the chief personal difficulty involved. The Premier, also, had no easy task in his own party. Leading Conservative members and men on the back-benches, alike, were suspicious of Liberal aims and policy; resentful of the continuous attacks upon Sir R. Borden himself; angry at the extreme bitterness of the onslaughts upon Mr. Rogers by The Globe; scornful as to Quebec and the Laurier or Nationalist attitude and sceptical as to the West and its free-trade Grain Growers. Sir Edmund Osler, whose political acumen was much respected, was more than doubtful (June 1): "Unless you could get men absolutely to sink their party differences, I don't see how they could possibly work together. It would be almost impossible that this could be." He did not oppose Coalition; he did appreciate the obstacles in the way: "I do not think there is much to be gained by bringing in outsiders-business men without experience in office. They have too much to learn." Others frankly wanted a personallystrengthened Conservative Government to appeal to the country and believed it would win.

A new situation opened up as the result of Sir Wilfrid Laurier's refusal to join a Coalition Government. The letters between the Leaders were made public on June 7, told the story of negotiations concisely and showed clearly that whatever the cause of the breakdown between June 4th and 6th, the present and coming issue was between Borden and Conscription and Laurier and no-Conscription, with a general election as essential to the settlement of the question. As Sir Robert put it in his reply: "I was convinced that compulsory service was necessary, and must be included in the policy of the proposed Coalition. You, on the other hand, decided that you could not accept such a policy, and that you could not join a Government which adopted it." Both leaders met their Parties in caucus and explained the situation. and it looked for the moment as if the Union project were killed. Several things, however, emerged out of what the Liberal press called a muddle, or a mess, and what the Conservative press was inclined to regard as good political strategy on the Premier's part as well as sound patriotism. His followers believed that he had put the Opposition in a difficult position-one which involved the certain disruption of the Liberal party with a loss to the Conservatives of only a few seats in Quebec. Many of them hoped the issue would be left at that and a distinct