renew and increase the distractions that had so long embarrassed the Government and oppressed the people. In Venezuela in particular and in New Grenada, there were numerous chieftains, whose designs it was difficult to penetrate, but whose conduct was such as to excite suspicion and uneasiness in the minds of those who desired to see order and stability restored to the Government and the people. And it was apparent that the task which Mosquera, by his acceptance of the Presidential authority, had undertaken to accomplish, would prove extremely arduous.

On the 30th of April the Congress of Venezuela met in Valencia, and on the same day received from Paez a congratulatory message, in which he manifested the most favorable opinion of the reestablishment of public order and the advancement of the happiness of Venezuela.

The progress of public opinion in favor of the federal system, was still permanent and increasing. On the 13th of May, Quito, the most populous city of Colombia, and the capital of the department of the Equator, declared itself in favor of this system, and its example was followed by Guayaquil and Azuai, the other departments of the south.

General Flores, who was in command of the department of the south, lent them his assistance, and was appointed interior chief of those departments, until the meeting of Congress to constitute them into a separate state, and the formation of a federal form of government. This movement in

Quito occurred before the result of the deliberations of Congress on the subject of the Constitution was known, and seems to exhibit the strong opposition existing thoughout the country to a central government. A letter from Bolivar announcing his intention of embarking for Europe, had a powerful influence on the conduct of Flores. Flores knew the sentiments of the people of the south -that they were opposed to a central form of government, and that it would be impossible to obtain for it support, without the effusion of much blood, and a civil war with Venezuela. The letter of Bolivar, freeing him from the trammels of previous engagements, left him at liberty to pursue the course his inclination dictated, and he yielded to the popular impulse of the country in which he was, and in which his interests were identified by marriage with a young lady of one of the most distinguished families in Quito.

We come now to the conduct of Bolivar during this critical period of public affairs. After his retirement from the supreme command, he had, as we have before mentioned, taken up his residence at his country seat near Carthagena, and was understood to be preparing for his departure to Europe. Whether this was seriously his intention must remain matter of conjecture. The letter to Flores seems to prove it was, and another fact confirms us in this impression. Colonel Whittle was in garrison at Papayan with the battalion of Vargas. He was a devoted friend of Bolivar, having saved his life in the conspiracy of

the 25th of Sept. 1829, and was considered among his warmest partisans. This officer also received a letter from Bolivar, informing him of his intention to leave the country, and inviting him to accompany him, if it was his wish to leave Colombia. An understanding was immediately effected between Colonel Whittle and General Flores in regard to the popular movements, and a warm and efficient support was yielded by these officers to the federal cause. It seems unlikely that Bolivar should have thus influenced his friends to submit themselves to the new order of things, if it had been his intention to have remained in the country and resumed the supreme command. We believe it was his own wish and serious intention to have departed, and thereby relieved his country from the distraction caused by his presence. In this intention, Bolivar was actuated by an anxious wish to preserve the glories attached to his name; and it is to be regretted, that he should have yielded his better judgment to the desires of Mantilla and other partisan chieftains, who feared, with his departure a destruction of their own undeserved power.

Mosquera arrived at Bogota on the 12th of June and was received by all parties with enthusiasm. On the next day he swore to the Constitution and entered upon the duties of his office. His first public act was a proclamation or message, explaining his views and the principles which governed him during the short period of his administration. It was in these words:

Joaquim Mosquera, President of the Republic of Colombia to his fellow countrymen –

COLOMBIANS The grand drama which we represent, is not for ourselves alone, but for all South America - a favorable opportunity is now presented to you of setting a great example of morality and virtue in the regeneration of Colombia - the destruction of anarchy, and the foundation of a government of laws, the only remedy against popular passions and the sole hope of liberty.

The Constituent Congress has afforded you the legal means of expressing the national will, through the medium of deputies of your own free choice.

The Liberator of Colombia has retired from among us, to calm the jealous friends of liberty, concealing his laurels, and removing every pretext for disorder.

In this important crisis, the representatives of the people have entrusted me with the provisional administration of the republic conformably to the Constitution to which I have this day sworn, and this is the point of contact which they have fixed on, by which we may procure a general concert for the salvation of Colombia from the dissolution which threatens her. I invoke my country and liberty to obtain your hearing. Pure love of my country is the sacred torch which guides me, and you may ask all from a man like myself, taken suddenly from private life to be the sacred minister of your will. Express it then, as your honor, your glory, and the national interest command,

and the good of our country will be your work.

Citizens of all opinions, unite for the interest of our country. The true friends of liberty are not those who seek for a constant necessity of change-let there be no new revolutions; and let the one already begun, be concluded. Colombians, we have yet time to preserve our glory and our political existencelet us give an example of order to the new states of our continent, and prove to our detractors, that we are not immoral men and not unworthy of being free.

JOAQUIM MOSQUERA.

Bogota, 13th June, 1830.

The Vice President, who had conducted the affairs of the government until the arrival of Mosquera, had made no change of ministry, but had retained in office all those who had filled the various departments of state under Bolivar; and Mosquera confirmed their appointments. They were Vicente Borrero, minister of foreign affairs; Alexandro Osoris, of the interior; Jose Gracio Masquez, of finances, and General Joaquim Paris, of war. The following persons composed the Council of State. The archbishop of Bogota, Don Felix Restrepo, General Jose Maria Ortega, Juan Ferdinandez, Soto Mayor, Manuel Benito Revallo, Modesto Lannea, Vicente Alvarez, Jose Joachim Almedo, Vicente Asuero, Diego Fernando Gomez, General Jose Fabrega, and Vicente Borrero, all sound patriots, and eminent for probity and talent.

The treasury was at this time completely exhausted and the government was moreover largely indebted to individuals, who had made loans to enable it to carry on its affairs. By the Constitution the executive was prohibited from making loans, decreeing contributions, or establishing new imposts; and it therefore became at once a serious question, how the expenses of the state were to be provided for. The utmost that Mosquera and his ministers could do, was to watch vigilantly over the expenditures, and to take the most vigorous and prudent measures to repress and prevent abuses and misapplications of the public money, which had existed to an alarming extent, and had in fact occasioned the want of means by which the new government was so much embarrassed. The President himself received no compensation for his services, and he exerted himself to the utmost to induce all the other officers of state and public functionaries, to limit their demands upon the finances of the republic to the smallest possible amount.

In the meantime, in the department of New Grenada, the Constitution was sworn to in most of the provinces, though with some opposition; and the people of those districts which refused to adopt the Constitution, were yet willing to support the government of Mosquera. On his part, he gave the discontented to understand, that unless the Constitution were respected, he would not be President; and sent commissioners to the various districts in

which opposition was manifested, to induce the people to follow the general example; and the efforts of his emissaries were in general crowned with success. Mosquera then directed his attention to the departments of Venezuela, and the South, where the dissent of the people was more resolute and more general.

The province of Casanare, of the borders of Venezuela, following the impulse of the revolution, had declared in favor of Venezuela, and had requested to be received as a component part of that state. The Congress of Venezuela had refused to admit this province, from a desire to preserve the friendship of New Grenada, and had offered to the government of New Grenada its good offices, to bring back this refractory province, by persuasive and indulgent measures, manifesting also its hopes that its adhesion would be easily obtained, after the fears caused by its separation should have disappeared by the establishment of a Constitution.

In the month of June, General Sucre was assassinated in the wood of Benuecos near Pasta, on his way to Quito from the Constituent Congress, of which he was a member. Pasta in 1822 had declared for old Spain. Sucre had received intimations from his friends that a plan for his assassination had been laid in Pasta, but he took no precautions to prevent it. His death was attributed to the liberal party, but it is more probable, that the assassination was the act of some of the people of Pasta, among whom he had many enemies, and whom he

had deeply incensed in 1822, when he took the place by assault and delivered it up to pillage. Suspicion also fell upon Generals Ovando and Lopez, between whom and Sucre, hostility had for some time existed; but there is no proof of their guilt, and the act still remains a mystery.

The President Mosquera made great and strenuous efforts to detect and punish the assassins, but without success. Symptoms of revolt, or rather of disunion, had for some time past exhibited themselves in Venezuela and the department of the Equator. In the former, General Paez held the supreme command, and General Flores in the latter; and the movements of these officers indicated great reluctance on their part to the adoption of a Constitution and mode of government, which must necessarily have the effect of diminishing their authority and restraining their influence. Flores in particular appeared strongly inclined to erect his department into an independent state, of which he should be the head; and it was, not without reason, supposed that Paez was well disposed to imitate his example, should his undertaking prove successful. Mosquera exerted himself to the utmost to induce Flores to lay aside his design, and it is not improbable that he would have succeeded, if his administration had not in the meantime been so suddenly brought to its conclusion. In Venezuela, the repugnance of the people to the central system of government was extreme; and this feeling was very strongly displayed at the

meeting of the Congress of the department in July. The suspicions of the Venezuelans were also at this time, strongly excited against Bolivar, who was still at Carthagena, having apparently abandoned his design of visiting Europe, and who was vehemently suspected of an intention to assume once more, either by intrigue or violence, the supreme authority. Events appeared to justify their doubts of the integrity and intentions of the Liberator. Early in June several insurrectionary movements had been made in various parts of Venezuela, in all of which Bolivar was proclaimed, and the intention of the insurgents to restore him to the head of affairs was openly avowed; but by the energetic movements of the government, these attempts were suppressed without difficulty. But all these alarms had the effect of increasing the repugnance of the people to the constitutional or central system, which had originated with Bolivar, and of making them more than ever desirous of a separate independency. In the meantime troubles began to break out in the centre of the republic; in Bogota, movements in favor of Bolivar had taken place, and the military were dissatisfied with the pacific and moderate administration of Mosquera. But little confidence could be placed in any of the generals; and the government, without money, and doubtful of the fidelity of its military agents, had no support except the unarmed people, who desired nothing more than peace, tranquillity and security. In August, symptoms

of rebellion broke out in the capital itself, which were with difficulty suppressed by the prudence and firmness of Mosquera. In August an alarming conspiracy broke out in the battalions of Boyaca and Callao, under the command of Colonels Castelli and Simenes, who approached within two leagues of the capital, where there was not at the time a force sufficient to oppose sufficient to oppose them. Mosquera was extremely anxious to avoid bloodshed, and for that reason earnestly endeavored to prevail upon the insurgents to withdraw, and resume their duties. Negotiations were entered into between Urdaneta on the part of the government, and Castelli as the spokesman of the rebels, and continued through the greater part of the month; the demands of the conspirators were principally directed towards a change of the ministry; but it was obvious that their real intentions were to subvert the government and usurp the supreme authority. Mosquera and his counsellors resorted to every measure of conciliation that was consistent with the safety and dignity of the government, but without effect; and at last it became necessary to resort to arms. On the 26th, a column of the best troops in the capital, under the command of Colonel Garcia, advanced to meet the rebels, whom they encountered at a place called the Sanctuary, three leagues from the capital, where they were strongly entrenched. The attack was unfortunate in its results; the government troops were defeated with great slaughter; and the insurgents flushed with success,