favor of power, the removal of M. Van Maanen, a new electoral system established by law, or the more direct election by the people, the establishment of the jury, a new law respecting the organization of the judiciary, the penal responsibility of the Ministers to be established by law, a law to be enacted fixing the seat of the high court (which had been placed at the Hague) in the Southern Provinces, the cessation of the prosecutions against the liberal writers, the abrogation of all condemnations for political offen

The States General met on 12th September: the King, in his address to them, thus noticed the recent revolutionary movements: 'in the midst of the greatest tranquillity and prosperity a revolt suddenly breaks out at Brussels, and this example is imitated in some other places. Conflagrations and pillage marked these disorders, too afflicting for my heart, the nation, and humanity, for me to present the mournful picture of them to this assembly. The measures, so far as they depended on the Government to arrest the progress of the evil, to of the evil, to

protect the good citizens against the evil disposed and to avert from the Kingdom the scourge of civil war, have been adopted without delay.' He then intimates that a separation of the Provinces, which the constitution and fundamental law had united, might become necessary, and on the 13th the King proposed for the discussion of the Chambers the two following questions: First, whether experience has indicated the necessity of modifying the national institutions: Second, whether it is consistent with the general good to change what is established by treaties and the fundamental law between the two great divisions of the Kingdom.

The Deputies from Belgium, at first, appeared in the assembly,; but they were insulted by the people of the Hague and ultimately withdrew.

The King determined to use force towards his refractory subjects; and on 21st of September a proclamation was issued from Antwerp by Prince Frederick for the occupation of Brussels, where a Provisional Government had been organized, consisting of Messrs Vanderlinden, d'Hoogvoorst, Ch. Rogier, Felix de Mérode, Juan Van Halen, a native of Spain, who had been distinguished for his remarkable escape from the Spanish Inquisition, and had served in the army of Russia, was placed at the head of the military force.

On the 22d September, Prince Frederick marched on Brussels. On the 24th, 25th, and 26th there was most terrible carnage in the streets; the houses, &c, were

several times taken and retaken. The Dutch army evacuated the Belgic capital on the 27th, having sustained a loss of 3000 out of the 9,500 men, who had taken part in the expedition.

On the 16th October, the Prince of Orange, who had been made Governor General of the Southern Provinces, acknowledged the independence of Belgium by a proclamation from Antwerp, in which he authorizes, even in those places where he still retained the ascendency, the election of members to the national Congress. This attempt, however, of the heir apparent to put himself at the head of the revolution and thus retain in the royal family the most important portion of the Netherlands, the loss of which was menaced by the events then occurring, was without result.

The King, in his message, opening the States General of the Northern Provinces, on the 19th, expresses his surprise at the course pursued by his son, of which he seems not to have been apprized. During the attack of the Prince Frederick, M. de Potter returned to Brussels, where he was received with triumphant marks of confidence. He was subsequently installed chief of the Provisional Government.

The further events in relation to the separation of Holland and Belgium, including the decision of the representatives at London of the Powers, who were parties to the organization of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, will properly fall within the scope of our next volume, in which it will also be our duty to detail the

measures connected with the establishment of Belgium as an independent sovereignty.

In closing our notice of the Netherlands, to which we shall never again be permitted to allude, as a united power, it may not be improper to make a few remarks respecting the King, who was destined to be the first and last Sovereign of this creation of the Holy Alliance.

William is propably the most virtuous Sovereign in Europe. His honesty is quite proverbial, and though he never gained the affection of the Belgians, they never refused to admit his integrity and the goodness of his intentions. That he possessed a high order of intellect, or was equal to the arduous task of reconciling the opposite interests of the two divisions of his Kingdom, no one will pretend. His great faults were those of his nation, whose prejudices he seemed to have imbibed. A manifest preference was given to the Dutch in the public employments, and there was too evident an indisposition to countenance the Catholic religion, which was embraced by at least two thirds of the people. As an administrator, the King, even if he did not recognise the principle of the irresponsibility of the Sovereign, should have confined his attention to a general superintendence. Instead, however, of following that system, he entered into the minutest inquiries on the most unimportant matters; and it was said that no question occurring at a Custom House could be settled until the King had personally examined the point. The Šove

reign of the Netherlands was distinguished for the readiness by which all classes of his subjects gained access to him; but so likewise is the Emperor of Austria; and in a constitutional King such qualities are perhaps rather defects than virtues. In his commercial operations the King seemed actuated by that love of trade in which the burghers of Amsterdam so much delight; and he was actually a partner in several joint stock companies, of which he was the originator.

In the recent decision of the controversy on the North eastern boundary, referred to him by the United States and Great Britain, his Netherlands Majesty has, it is certain, fulfilled the expectations of neither party, but literally adopted the course which the enlightened negotiator, to whom the subject of a reference was once confided, feared might be adopted to our prejudice. He seems really, instead of taking strict principles of law for his guide, to have tried to split the difference.' To suppose, however, that even in this matter, open as it justly is to severe animadversion, the King

was actuated by the circumstances which had arisen subsequently to the reference, and which so sensibly affected the independence of his position, would be to disregard the reputation universally enjoyed by the unfortunate monarch. A knowledge of the character of the royal umpire would induce us to ascribe the error of his decision rather to the head than to the heart.

But it is certain that we owe no special gratitude to the King of the Netherlands. To say nothing of that monarch's refusal to accede to the commercial reciprocity, proffered by us to all nations, we cannot forget that our claims, growing out of the arbitrary measures dictated by Napoleon to the former Government of Holland, and which were clearly presented to view in the able correspondence of Mr A. H. Everett with Baron Nagele, never received that attention which they preeminently merited from a Sovereign, who of all others had reaped, though indirectly, the greatest advantages from the French usurpation.

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Spain. -Rumors.
rival of the new Queen.

THERE is no country, whose domestic condition or its internal affairs are more misrepresented than those of Spain. It is not merely that all the information, which we derive from the journals of Spain itself, is of a suspicious nature, as having been subjected to the examination of the local authorities before publication, and having been so qualified as to meet their views, or at any rate prepared and printed by the journalist with the terrors of the police continually before his eyes. This cause of distrust attaches to intelligence derived from the Spanish gazettes, in common with those of other nations, which enjoy the blessing of an absolute government and a shackled press. Nor is it owing entirely to the jealous policy of the Spanish monarchy, which is so little disposed to court the scrutiny of foreigners, or even to admit of much examination on the part of its subjects themselves. Our current intelligence in regard to the affairs of Spain is generally derived from the French newspapers,

and consists of letters written, or purporting to be written, from persons in the Peninsula. These accounts are incorrect, exaggerated, and mendacious, to a degree of which those unacquainted with the fact can have no conception. The strange absurdities concerning the state of things in Spain, which made their appearance soon after the French revolution of July, were a tissue of such downright falsehoods, affording a fair example of the fact to which we refer, and illustrating the difficulty of obtaining authentic information as to passing events in that country.

However, the period of time, which our historical record embraces, was one of great tranquillity; and such periods are barren of matter for the pen of the annalist. It was not the less fruitful of rumors, got up for the amusement of the cafes of Paris, or for some other less innocent purpose. The earthquake, which filled with misery the district of Orihuela in the Kingdom of Murcia, was sufficiently appalling in itself, without

the aid of any artificial amplification. But when the news reached us filtered through the newspapers of Paris, it appeared that all Cadiz had been submerged, although pains were taken, it was added, to conceal the dreadful calamity, by which so many families in the Kingdom and so many abroad would incur loss and suffering, through the merchants collected from various regions in that rich commercial city. Not much more credit is due to the statements, so often repeated, of troubles in Catalonia, the standing theatre of insurrection for the manufacturers of the newest news. Indeed, if we except the acknowledgment of Don Miguel by Spain in October, 1829, hardly any political event has occurred to invite attention, except what relates to changes in the royal family.

The King of Spain lost his third consort on the 17th of May, 1829. Like her two predecessors she died suddenly, in the flower of her age, without children. A treaty of marriage was very soon after entered into between Ferdinand, and his niece Maria Cristina de Borbon, daughter of Francis, King of Naples, and half sister of the Duchesse de Berri, and at this time twentythree years of age. The large number of Spaniards, who are exiles in foreign lands, or, if not banished, yet are languishing at home as impurificados, or men laboring under civil disabilities on account of their opinions or conduct in political affairs, looked forward to the intended espousals as affording them a hope of restoration to

their country, of pardon, and of readmission to the career of distinction in public service. They anticipated an act of grace and indulgence as highly likely to accompany so auspicious an event, and as being, in fact, a natural ingredient of the rejoicings and public hilarity of the nation. They conceived, also, that they had some reason to expect this from the lively and amiable character of the new Queen, and her supposed indisposition to submit to the influence of the priesthood to the same extent with her predecessor, whose life was wholly given up to rigid ascetic observ

ances.

In another important point of view, the anticipated marriage was connected with political subjects. The Infante Don Carlos. the eldest brother of Ferdinand and presumptive heir of the Crown, was, either in reality or in supposition, the rallying point of the apostolical party. Whatever defects of character Ferdinand may possess they are traits of weakness rather than of cruelty. The bitterness of political hostility has diffused very erroneous impressions in regard to this prince. Instead of being the fierce, bigoted, brutal tyrant, which some publications have represented him to be, he is unquestionably disposed to pursue as gentle a policy, in the management of his Kingdom, as the maintenance of his authority will admit. Nothing but the opposition of the Sovereign himself has prevented the re-establishment of the Holy Office in Spain. Since the occupation of the country by the French armies