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compass of their authority or could become obligatory by their sanction. A more important result of the trials was the collection and exhibition of a mass of evidence on the moral condition and physical sufferings of the agricultural laborers and working classes connected with the ⚫ultivation of the soil, more impressive than could be obtained by petitions to Parliament or reports of committees of inquiry upon the operation of the poor laws and the corn laws. The intellectual condition of the classes of people reduced to such extremities had never formed a subject of parliamentary inquiry. It was displayed in the evidence upon these trials, by demonstration which could not be mistaken. The greater part of the prisoners were so utterly ignorant of the law, that they had no conception they were infringing it by breaking up threshing machines, by insisting upon constant employment from the farmers, or by exacting from them wages adequate to the comfortable subsistence of themselves and their families. The distinction which they made between the destruction and the robbery of property had, perhaps, some foundation in the law of nature; and even the nightly fires which spread terror and desolation over a whole region of country, were kindled by a semblance of public spirit, which seemed in their eyes to be patriotism. The instances of depredation or plunder were rare- -those of deliberate personal injury still more SO. There was nothing ferocious, nothing cruel, in the

most desperate of their proceedings; and even in kindling the fires which consumed the fruits of the harvests and the dwellings of their owners, they appear to have been impelled by no stimulant of malice or animosity against individuals.

By what system of reasoning they had been brought to the practical exercise of such a theory with regard to the rights of property, perhaps it might not be possible to discover, but the proceedings of the special commissions could not fail to undeceive them. In the conflicts between the rioters and the military forces brought out against them, it does not appear that more than one of them lost his life, but the execution of a small number of incendiaries and the transportation of several hundreds of the frame breakers, soon brought their associates to a juster sense both of the substance and the power of the laws and in the course of a few weeks tranquillity and peace, at least apparent and temporary, was restored to the disordered districts.

The sessions of the commissions continued into the year succeeding that of which we now close the account. Here for the present we rest. The year 1830 will long be memorable in the annals of England, of Europe, of Christendom, memorable for the recoil of freedom upon her oppressors memorable for the triumph of the revolutionary principle, not less over the sanguinary spirit of anarchy, than over the iron yoke of military power and renown. Three days of spontaneous and unorganized popular

resistance toppled down headlong,' for the third and it is to be hoped last time, the elder Branch of the House of Bourbon.' Blood was shed to achieve the victory, but none in the triumph. The first example of moderation and mercy, has been exhibited in the conflict between kings and people, on the popular side. Charles X., detected in the very act of complicated perjury to his royal oath, and of usurpation upon the rights of his people, has been expelled, but suffered to live; the Ministers by whom he was counselled, more culpable even than himself, have been saved from vindictive fury, monuments of magnanimous forbearance in an exasperated people. In England, the revolution has been entirely bloodless. The result not of popular commotion, but of public opinion matured by the irresistible progress of reason against thrones, dominations, princedoms and powers. The changes in England have yet assumed only the mild and placid aspect of reform. But by many, even of the benevolent and the wise, reform is dreaded as the herald and precursor of revolution; of sanguinary revolution, subversive of all social order, and destructive to all religion. Let us hope better things. When the feudal monarchy of France fell in 1789 before the republican spirit of the age and the principles of North American Independence, it was soon discovered that it could not fall alone. It sounded the hour of all the feudal institutions of Europe. But what the spirit of evil is competent to destroy, the spirit

After

of good alone can create. twentyfive years of exterminating wars, and the overthrow of almost all the ancient institutions in Europe, all the wisdom and all the power of the European many could accomplish no more than to patch up the tatters of old feudal monarchy with the modern rags of popular representation. And in restoring Louis XVIII. to the throne the only compromise which they could effect between ancient prejudice and new principle was, to allow him to date the commencement of his reign twenty years in arrear, and to oblige him to grant by a charter to his people, a semblance of popular representation in the legislature. Twentyfive years of bloody experience had taught the rulers of the old monarchies of Europe nothing but a tenfold horror of innovation. The Inquisition and the Jesuits were restored with the monarchies, and the charters were yielded to the necessities of the time, only to be undermined or overthrown as the favorable opportunity might occur. Candor constrains us to acknowledge that for the reconstruction of the social edifice the reformers have been as feeble and inefficient as the adherents to the dilapidated institutions of antiquity have been stubborn and unteachable. Of all the constitutions fabricated during the revolutionary period in France, in Spain, in Portugal, not one has proved able to sustain itself for a term of seven years. The events of the last half century have formed multitudes of consummate military chieftains-multitudes of eloquent orators, multitudes of

eminent statemen.

A legislator has not yet been found. The only man of legislative mind, which Europe has produced in the age now departing, was Edmund Burke, and his genius took the direction of sustaining ancient institutions, and rejected that of devising and maturing new ones. Whether it was even equal to this may be doubted certain it is, that neither his age nor his country were prepared to receive that which he might perhaps have been competent to produce and to combine. Now, far more than when he lived is the time, when the Island of Albion needs a legisla

tor, a mind not of the modern stamp, but a Solon, a Lycurgus, a Numa. A legislator for herself, disencumbered of her sister Island, which also needs a legislator of her own. In closing with this reflection we cast our eyes over the catalogue of the Whig and Tory statesmen now figuring upon her political theatre, and all is desolate and barren. Instead of a Solon, a Lycurgus or a Numa, we see nothing but men of diminutive intellectual stature, the summit of whose ambition it is to pass with their own and after ages, for BRITISH STATEMEN.

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Corps of engineers.

Brevet 2d lieutenant, Thompson S. Brown, to be 2d lieutenant, 1st July, 1825.

Second regiment of artillery. Brevet 2d lieutenant, Hugh W. Mercer, to be 2d lieutenant, 1st July, 1828.

Third regiment of artillery.

2d lieutenant George S. Green, to be 1st lieutenant, 31st May, 1829, vice Phillips, resigned.

Brevet 2d lieutenant Robert E. Temple, to be 2d lieutenant, 1st July, 1828. Brevet 2d lieutenant George E. Chase, to be 2d lieutenant, 1st July, 1828.

Fourth regiment of artillery. Brevet captain Patrick 11. Galt, 1st lieutenant, to be captain, 15th May, 1829, vice Spotts, resigned.

2d lieutenant William Cook, to be 1st lieutenant, 15th May, 1829, vice Galt, promoted.

Brevet 2d lieutenant Chas. O. Collins, to be 2d lieutenant, 1st July, 1828.

First regiment of infantry.

1st lieutenant W. R. Jouett, to be

captain, 1st May, 1729, vice Kearney,

promoted.

1st lieutenant Thomas Parker, to be captain, 31st May, 1829, vice Ker, resigned.

2d lieutenant William Reynolds, to be 1st lieutenant, 1st May, 1829, vice Jouett, promoted.

28 lieutenant Albert S. Miller, to be 1st lieutenant, 31st May, 1829, vice Parker, promoted.

Brevet 2d lieutenant Jonathan K. Greenough, to be 2d lieutenant, 1st July, 1827.

Brevet 2d lieutenant Enos G. Mitchell, to be 2d lieutenant, 1st July, 1828.

Third regiment of infantry. Brevet Major Stephen W. Kearney, captain 1st infantry, to be major, 1st May, 1829, vice Baker, promoted.

Fourth regiment of infantry.

2d lieutenant Lorenzo Thomas, to be 1st lieutenant, 17th of March, 1829, vice Mountz, cashiered.

Brevet 24 lieutenant Nelson N. Clark, to be 2d lieutenant, 1st July, 1827.

Sixth regiment of infantry. Brevet lieutenant colonel D. Baker, major 3d infantry, to be lieutenant colonel, 1st May, 1829, vice Woolley dismissed.

1st lieutenant George C. Hutter to be captain, 12th May, 1829, 'vice Gantt, dismissed.

2d lieutenant Joseph Van Swearingen, to be 1st lieutenant, 12th May, 1829, vice Hutter, promoted.

Brevet 2d lieutenant Nathaniel J. Eaton, to be 2d lieutenant, 1st July, 1827.

Brevet 2d lieutenant Robert Sevier, to

be 2d lieutenant, 1st July, 1828.

APPOINTMENTS.

Brevet major James H. Hook, captain 4th infantry, to be commissary, 10th March, 1829.

Captain Joseph P. Taylor, of the 24 artillery, to be commissary, 10th March, 1829.

James B. Sullivan, Va. to be assistant surgeon, 5th May, 1829.

1st lieutenant Anthony Drane, 5th infantry, to be assistant quarter master, 18th April, 1829.

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