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The statement in explanation of the bill prepared by the American Legion is as follows:


Washington, D. C., June 8, 1954.

United States Senate,

Senate Office Building,

Washington, D. C.

DEAR SENATOR COOPER: As you know, one of the American Legion's tenets is mutual helpfulness among the discharged veterans of the wars of this country. On the basis of the above, the American Legion has rendered service to the veterans throughout the land, not only in presenting their claims before the Veterans' Administration, but in assisting veterans to obtain proper recognition by the Defense Department in such matters as review of military status, questionable discharges, etc.

Some years ago, we learned of a grave injustice perpetrated by the United States against our comrades-in-arms, the Philippine Scouts. The Scouts were a component of the regular Army of the United States, authorized by act of Congress, February 2, 1901, and paid, trained, and utilized by our military establishment.

The injustice arbitrarily imposed was the failure of the United States Army to pay these Philippine Scouts their regular pay and allowances during the time they were on parole from Japanese prisoner-of-war camps during World War II. Bear in mind that the Philippine Islands were circumscribed by force.

It is well established that parole of Filipinos by Japanese, both of the Philippine Army and the United States Regular Army Philippine Scouts, was effected for two purposes: (1), for propaganda purposes, and (2), to relieve the Japanese of the responsibility of caring for and feeding the sick, disabled, and other troops in their custody. The Filipinos, Philippine Army and United States Philippine Scouts alike, were paroled under the most rigid terms where violations meant death or brutal punishment to the violator and his family.

The commanding general of the Southwest Pacific Theater, Gen. Douglas MacArthur, stated officially that the United States would not recognize the parole because it was under duress, and he further stated that it would have no effect upon the military status of the persons involved. This, of course, is taken to mean that pay and allowances would continue just as if they were United States regular troops from any place in our own country, had the latter been captured and paroled under similar circumstances. We, to the best of our knowledge, did not fail to pay any of our own troops for the time they were held prisoners of war in any of the countries throughout the world.

The Defense Department itself recognizes that the parole meant nothing; that these people were virtually prisoners of war, and they so state on page 587 of the book entitled "United States Army in World War II-The Fall of the Philippines-written under the direction of the Chief of Military History, Department of the Army." We quote:

"With the capitulation of Corregidor and the islands to the south, all communication with the Philippines came to an end. The entire garrison, an army of 140,000 men, passed into captivity and except for a handful who escaped, no word of their fate reached the United States. Though most of the Filipinos were ultimately released from prison camp, there was no way by which they could communicate with the Allies except through the clandestine intelligence organization kept alive by funds and equipment from Australia. Nominally free, the

former troops of MacArthur's and Wainwright's army were as effectively prisoners of the Japanese as if they had remained in prison camp."

During the course of the past 3 years the American Legion has tried to use its influence with the Department of Defense and the Department of the Army in an effort to bring about administrative relief to these four or five thousand remaining Philippine Scouts. We have met with failure in every instance, and we have not been told the rea

son why such payment was refused except the fallacious statement that they were not in casualty status. We have positive proof to refute such statement because many of these parolees in the alleged noncasualty status were taken by the Japanese and executed summarily for minor violations of parole; many were brutally and severely mistreated and their families were molested and maligned.

The Navy, on the other hand, chose to pay its military personnel as well as its civilian employees who were in exactly the same position. The Navy paid them for the full period of time between the fall of the Philippines and our recapture thereof, and the payments were made under the authority of the very act we now seek to amend for the purpose of paying the United States Regular Army Philipppine Scouts.

A clear statement of the Navy's justification in doing so is set forth in the attached letter from Rear Adm. M. L. Royar, SC., USN., Chief of the Bureau of Supplies and Accounts, United States Navy, to the Honorable CARL VINSON under date of April 11, 1952.

Pertinent extracts from the above letter, which are quoted below fully reveal the inequity of the Army's arbitrary decision with reference to the Philippine Scouts:

"For assimilation purposes, the Comptroller General has recognized the Insular Force as the Navy counterpart of the Philippine Scouts of the Army.

"Enlisted men of the insular force of the Navy were not excluded by general or specific language from benefits of the Missing Persons Act. Consequently, those members in active service who were officially determined to be lawfully absent in a status of missing, missing in action, interned in a neutral country, captured by an enemy, beleaguered or besieged, were for the period officially determined to be in such status paid the pay and allowances to which otherwise entitled from date of commercement of absence until date of return to the controllable jurisdiction of the Navy Department. The mere fact that upon repatriation it was ascertained that a member of the insular force had been paroled, but was unable to return to naval jurisdiction or communicate that fact to the authorities would not be considered a basis for denying such member the active-duty pay and allowances to which otherwise entitled under the Missing Persons Act while so absent."

In opposing legislation to correct this complete breach of contract by the Department of the Army, the Defense Department has said that if we paid the Philippine Scouts we might also have to pay the soldiers of the Philippine Army who were likewise paroled. This, you realize, is a most unfair statement because if we were contractually obligated to them we certainly should pay our obligations. But that is not the intent of our proposed legislation; neither is it necessary because the Philippine Government has recognized the rights of its own soldiers who were similarly paroled, and by Republic Act No. 897, enacted in July 1953, the Philippine Government evolved a program for the payment of those claims over a period of time consistent with their economic ability to do so. Such argument, therefore, carries no weight whatsoever.

One of the discriminatory features of this whole sordid business is the fact that the Army selected a handful of high-ranking officers for full payment during the period of parole. This may have occurred because of the standing of these men, or because of the fact that they were economically able to press their claims before the United States Army. Some of them made personal appearances in this country. You realize, of course, that the $9-a-month private could not do this.

The Philippine Scouts bore their full share of the fighting and suffering leading up to the fall of the Philippines. Military history is replete with their splendid performance in the face of the enemy. There was no question about their loyalty.

Considering the situation in the Asiatic area today and the fact that the Filipinos are our friends, it would not only be honest and decent to recognize the contractual obligation the United States has toward these Philippine Scouts but it would do much to further cement the relationship with a new nation whose welfare is so vital to the United States at this time.

There have been several bills introduced in Congress to eradicate this cause for shame by paying our Philippine Scout soldiers (enlisted men for the most part whose pay as private was 18 pesos or $9 a month). Noncommissioned officers received proportionate increases. Officers were on the same pay status as our Regular officers.

The 1953 national convention of the American Legion, fully cognizant of the injustices, and of the fruitless efforts we have made in the past 3 years to correct same, restated its demand upon the Government of the United States to exercise belated fair play. The resolution is No. 597, copy of which is attached.

In view of the fact that you have expressed an interest in the Philippine Scouts, and in view of your knowledge of the situation, the American Legion would be very appreciative of your assistance in bringing this matter before the Senate of the United States. We would be very grateful to you if you will introduce a bill to amend section 2 of the Missing Persons Act to direct that these Philippine Scouts be paid their military pay and allowances in accordance with their enlistment or commission contracts.

The law authorizes the Secretary of the Army to make redeterminations which would apply in the case of the Philippine Scouts as well as other military personnel, and it is unfortunate that we have to resort to legislation to force them to take action which is only honorable and just. It appears that legislation is necessary, however, because of the continuing denials on the part of the Defense Department over the years and the opposition they have raised in Congress to such propositions.

We hope you will use the influence of your office to bring such a bill as you may introduce before the Senate Armed Services Committee for early hearings, at which time the American Legion will want to testify in support of the measure, as will others who are also interested in seeing that justice is brought to these men.

As recently as May 12, 1954, in a communication from the Secretary of the Army addressed to the Honorable WILLIAM LANGER, chairman of the Senate Committee on the Judiciary, in opposing legislation to extend the time for certain military-procurement claims against the United States in the Philippine Islands, it was stated:

"Almost immediately claims were asserted against the United States for pay and allowances and for compensation for services and supplies. These claims may be roughly divided into three categories: (1) Those concerned with members of the United States Armed Forces (including the Philippine Scouts), (2) those dealing with members of

the Philippine Army, and (3) those dealing with respect to any act or matter related to with nonmilitary guerrillas.

"The Department of the Army does not question the liability of the United States with respect to claims falling within the first category where such claims are substantiated."

This in itself shows the inconsistency of the arbitrary action taken by the Department of the Army in denying pay to the Philippine Scouts whom they recognize as being authorized military agents of the United States in the above quotation.

Appreciating your interest in this matter, and expressing the hope of the American Legion that you will lend your leadership and support to the correction of the injustices involved, I am,

Sincerely yours,




Mr. FERGUSON. Mr. President, I introduce for appropriate reference a bill to prohibit the payment of annuities, retired pay, and other benefits to persons convicted of certain offenses, and for other purposes. I ask unanimous consent that the bill be printed in the RECORD.

The VICE PRESIDENT. The bill will be received and appropriately referred; and, without objection, will be printed in the RECORD.

The bill (S. 3720) to prohibit the payment of annuities, retired pay, and other benefits to persons convicted of certain offenses, and for other purposes, introduced by Mr. FERGUSON, was received, read twice by its title, referred to the Committee on Post Office and Civil Service, and ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows:

Be it enacted, etc., That there shall not be paid or extended to any person heretofore or hereafter convicted of any of the followingdescribed offenses, or to his survivor or beneficiary, for any period subsequent to the date of such conviction or the date of the enactment of this act, whichever is later, (1) any annuity or retired pay on the basis of the service of such person as an officer or employee of the Government, or (2) any benefit (other than those involving rights under insurance contracts) payable or extended under any law administered by the Veterans' Administration:

(a) Any offense defined in chapter 11 (relating to bribery or graft), chapter 15 (relating to claims and services in matters affecting the Government), chapter 23 (relating to contracts), chapter 37 (relating to espionage and censorship), chapter 105 (relating to sabotage), chapter 115 (relating to treason, sedition, and subversive activities), and sections 1700, 1702, 1703, 1708, 1709, 1710, and 1711 of chapter 83 (relating to crimes involving the postal service), title 18, and in sections 1810 and 1816, title 42, United States Code;

(b) Any offense declared to be a felony by Federal law committed in the exercise of authority, influence, power, or privileges as an officer or employee of the Government, or otherwise relating to service as such officer or employee;

(c) Perjury committed in falsely denying, or subornation of perjury in the denial by another of, the commission of an act constituting any offense described in paragraph (a), (b), or (e) hereof; committed in falsely testifying in a proceeding before a Federal grand jury or court of the United States

the performance of official duties as an officer or employee of the Government; or committed in falsely testifying before any congressional committee in connection with any matter under inquiry before such congressional committee;

(d) Any felony involving false, fictitious, or fraudulent statements or representations made in connection with an application for an office or position in or under the executive, judicial, or legislative branch of the Government of the United States or in the government of the District of Columbia; or (e) Any offense defined in chapter 7 (Bribery-Obstructing Justice), section 221201 (Embezzlement of property of District of Columbia) of chapter 12, sections 22-1304 (Falsely impersonating public officer or minister) or 22-1308 (False certificate of acknowledgment) of chapter 13, or section 222602 (Misprisions by officers or employees of jail) of chapter 26, title 22, District of Columbia Code.

SEC. 2. There shall not be paid or extended to any person who heretofore or hereafter is convicted under section 102 of

the Revised Statutes, as amended (2 U. S. C., sec. 192), for failure to appear or refusal to testify or produce any book, paper, record, or other document, in a proceeding before any Federal grand jury, court of the United States, or congressional committee, upon the ground of self-incrimination, or to his survivor or beneficiary, for any period subsequent to the date of such refusal or the date of the enactment of this act, whichever is later, any annuity, retired pay, or benefit, described in the first section of this act.

(c) The term "retired pay" means retired pay or retirement pay payable under any law of the United States to members or former members of the Armed Forces of the United States, the United States Coast Guard, the Coast and Geodetic Survey, and the Public Health Service, retired or determined to be entitled to retirement pay.

SEC. 5. Nothing in this act shall be deemed to limit or restrict the power to deny the payment of annuities, retired pay, or any other benefit, payable or extended by or pursuant to any other provision of law, for any cause not specified herein.

SEC. 6. If any provision of this act, or the application of such provision to any person or circumstance, shall be held invalid, the remainder of this act, or the application of such provision to persons or circumstances other than those as to which it is held invalid, shall not be affected thereby.


ACT OF 1951-AMENDMENT Mr. FLANDERS submitted an amendthe bill (H. R. 6287) to extend and amend ment intended to be proposed by him to

the Renegotiation Act of 1951, which was ordered to lie on the table and to be printed.


Mr. LONG submitted an amendment intended to be proposed by him to the bill (H. R. 9242) to authorize certain construction at military and naval installations and for the Alaska communications system, and for other purposes, which was ordered to lie on the table and to be printed.


SEC. 3. In the case of any such person, any amounts contributed by him toward the annuity the benefits of which are denied under this act, less any sums previously refunded or paid as annuity benefits, shall be returned to such person, with interest to date of conviction or the date of enactment of this act, whichever is later, at such rates as may be provided in the case of refunds under the law, regulation, or agreement under which the annuity is payable, or if no such rates are so provided at the rate of 4 percent per annum to December 31, 1947, and 3 percent per annum thereafter, comIn pounded on December 31 of each year. the event a person entitled to a refund under this section dies prior to the making of such refund, the refund shall be made to such person or persons as may be provided in the case of refunds under the law, regulation, or agreement under which the annuity the benefits of which are denied under this act HOUSE CONCURRENT RESOLUTION is payable or, if no such provision is made, in the order of preference prescribed in section 12 (e) of the Civil Service Retire

ment Act of 1930, as amended.

SEC. 4. As used in this act—

(a) The term "officer or employee of the Government" includes an officer or employee under the legislative, executive, or judicial branch of the Government of the United States, a Member or Delegate to Congress, a Resident Commissioner, an officer or employee of the government of the District of Columbia, or any officer or member of the Armed Forces of the United States, the United States Coast Guard, the Coast and Geodetic Survey, or the Public Health Service.

(b) The term "annuity” means any retirement benefit payable by any department or agency of the United States or the District of Columbia upon the basis of service as a civilian officer or employee, except that such term does not include salary or compensation which may not be diminished under section 1 of article III of the Constitution or, in the case of a benefit payable under the Social Security Act as amended, any portion of such benefit not based upon service as an officer or employee of the United States or the District of Columbia.

The bill (H. R. 7486) to amend section 1071 of title 18, United States Code, relating to the concealing of persons from arrest, so as to increase the penalties therein provided, was read twice by its title, and referred to the Committee on the Judiciary.


The concurrent resolution (H. Con. Res. 250) authorizing the printing of additional copies of the slip law for the Internal Revenue Code of 1954, was referred to the Committee on Rules and Administration, as follows:

Resolved by the House of Representatives (the Senate concurring), That there be printed 12,590 additional copies of the slip law for the Internal Revenue Code of 1954, of which 2,475 copies shall be for the use of the Senate, 500 copies for the use of the Committee on Finance, 6,615 copies for the use of the House of Representatives, and 3,000 copies for the use of the Committee on Ways and Means.

THE PRESIDENT'S STAND IN OPPOSITION TO ADMISSION OF RED CHINA TO UNITED NATIONS Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. President, all of us are greatly concerned over the present discussion of possible attempts on the part of the Red influence to bring Red China into the United

Nations. I am trying to watch very carefully the press items on this matter. I myself feel very strongly on the subject.

Therefore, I ask unanimous consent to have printed at this point in the body of the RECORD, in connection with these few remarks of mine, an article entitled "Eisenhower Rallying World To Bar Peking From U. N.," written by David Lawrence, and published in the New York Herald Tribune of this morning. In the article, Mr. Lawrence highlights the splendid statement made yesterday by the President of the United States, in taking a very strong, unconditional, and unequivocal stand against the admission of Red China into the United Nations.

There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows:


(By David Lawrence) WASHINGTON, July 7.-President Eisenhower has undertaken to mobilize the moral force of the world to make sure that the aggressor government of Red China will not be admitted to the United Nations.

No longer is the issue one of domestic controversy here, since both the Republican and Democratic leaders in Congress have expressed themselves against the proposal. For the President now has wisely taken the case to the court of world opinion.

Mr. Eisenhower does not say what America's position will be if outvoted in the United Nations Assembly, but he does say that he hasn't reached a decision on it because he feels confident that the battle against admission of Red China can be


The President is right in exercising that caution and leaving the matter open. In this regard he differs from those who either want to serve warning now that the United States will withdraw or those who wish the United States to stay in the U. N. if outvoted.

If the United States were merely to give the impression that it would oppose Red China's entry and yet would accept the result without affecting its own relationship to the United Nations in the future, some governments abroad might think this is a tipoff to them to go ahead and vote for the admission of Red China anyhow because they would not thereby risk incurring America's disfavor.

The truth is that Senator KNOWLAND and Senator LYNDON JOHNSON, the Republican and Democratic leaders, speak for American public opinion when they not only oppose Red China's admission, but when they say Congress will then discuss, if the Peiping government is admitted, whether or not to continue financial support for the United Nations by this country and continuance of the U. N. treaty.


justice and fairness and right, and to see whether we couldn't avoid resort to force.

"Now today we have Red China going to Geneva, and instead of taking a conciliatory attitude toward anything, it excoriated the United Nations. As a matter of fact, in Geneva, it demanded repudiation of the United Nations position. On top of that Red China is today at war with the United Nations. They were declared an aggressor by the United Nations in the Assembly and that situation has never been changed.

"They are occupying North Korea. They enslavement of the peoples of Indochina. have supported this great effort at further They have held certain of our prisoners unjustifiably, and they have been guilty of the worst possible diplomatic deportment in the international affairs of the world.

"Now how can the United States, as a selfrespecting Nation, doing its best and in conformity with the moral standards as we understand them, how can we possibly say this government should be admitted to the United Nations?"


Thus Mr. Eisenhower answers the critics abroad who have brushed aside all moral considerations. The London Times, for instance, has said that it is a question of law and not of morals.

The issue, moreover, isn't one of diplomatic recognition. Many governments which are members of the United Nations have already extended diplomatic recognition to the Red Chinese Communist government, but now oppose its admission to the United Nations on the ground that the Peiping regime is an aggressor and has not purged itself of aggression.

The President's forthright statement will ring around the world and will place the issue on the high moral plane where Americans have placed it before, only to have Europeans, influenced by expediency, try to rationalize an acceptance of the Communist regime in Peiping despite the record of dead and wounded for which the aggressor government of Red China is largely responsible. Certainly, the fathers and mothers of the 40,000 American dead and 100,000 American wounded would never understand acceptance of the aggressor government as worthy of admission to an international organization designed to be the principal vehicle for the exercise of moral force in the world.


Mr. REYNOLDS. Mr. President, as the junior Senator from Nebraska rises for the first time, standing at the desk of the late senior Senator from Nebraska, Hugh Butler, a fine Christian gentleman, whose great, noble, and kindly soul has gone to its Maker, he knows of nothing more appropriate than to invite the attention of the Senate to an eloquent eulogy delivered by the Reverend Harold T. Janes, minister of the First Central Congregational Church in Omaha, on the occasion of the late Senator Butler's funeral.

But President Eisenhower has with characteristic fairness and calmness taken the issue out of the realm of coercion as it affects other governments by simply saying he doesn't know yet what American policy toward the U. N. would be if Red China gets in. He prefers to argue at present the merits of the admission issue itself. His words are of historic importance. He says: "There is a moral question first of all that printed in the Appendix of the RECORD.

is involved. The United Nations was not established primarily as a supergovernment clothed with all the authority of supergovernment and of great power to do things. It was, among other things, an attempt to marshal the moral strength of the world to

preserve peace, to make certain that quarrels were composed through a decent respect for

I ask unanimous consent that it be

Mr. MARTIN. Mr. President, because of the great importance of this eulogy in honor of one of the finest men who have ever sat in the United States Senate, I ask unanimous consent that the eulogy be printed in the body of the RECORD at this point.

There being no objection, the eulogy was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows:



One of the commonly accepted traditions of America is that a man may be born in a log cabin and yet ultimately live in the White House. Although this was true of one President of the United States, many of those who occupy the seat of the scornful, think this tradition is a myth which has little basis in reality. When we are tempted to accept this cynical view of our society we suddenly become aware of the fact that there are many men in our time who are demonstrating the truth of this tradition. Again and again men and women who are born in lowly circumstances rise to positions of great influence and power in our free democratic society.

We are gathered together from grain fields and from the grain markets, from the plains and mountains of the West, and from the teeming cities of the East, members of many races and many faiths, to pay tribute to a man whose life was a demonstration of the fact that in America all caste systems are destroyed, and every individual, regardless of his place of birth, may rise to a position of high and respected leadership in his nation.

Accompanying his pioneering parents as a lad of six when they crossed Nebraska in a covered wagon and built a sod house on a homestead near Cambridge, by his own labor Hugh Butler earned his way through college. He followed three careers during his long life. At first he was a construction engineer on the Burlington Railroad, then an outstanding grain dealer, and finally he wes elected to three successive terms in the highest legislative body of our Nation, the United States Senate.

If you would inquire concerning the secret of such achievement you would have to ascribe a great deal to the influence of hardworking parents and the kindly interest of many friends. But most of all he found inspiration in a book. As we gather in tribute to our friend, I invite you to turn to a famous passage from that book:

"He has showed you, O man, what is good; and what does the Lord require of you, but to do justice, and to love kindness, and to walk humbly with your God?" (Micah 6: 8). Hugh Butler was a man who believed in doing justice.

Impressed as a small boy with the difficulties which his father faced in earning a livelihood from the soil, and thrown throughout his boyhood and years of mature business life into association with people who depended upon the prosperity of the farms and ranches of the State, he was unusually sensitive to the disadvantageous position which the farmers and ranchers held in the national economy. When the drought years of the thirties came, searing the graz

ing lands until the cattle became barrels

of bones, and dust clouds darkened the skies, he was impressed with the need of strengthening our rural economy.

When in later years he was sent to the United States Senate he continued to represent the interests of the people of the farms and ranches. As chairman of the important Interior and Insular Affairs Committee, he was able to do a great deal for the increase of irrigation and the reclamation of land. He was a kind of Nebraska Amos who would remind the Nation of the existence of the economic injustices and inequities saying: "You trample upon the poor, and take from him exactions of wheat."

As a poor boy who worked after school and Saturdays in order that he might receive an education, he was convinced that a free

people must be an educated people. He took the lead in establishing an agricultural high

school in western Nebraska so that boys and girls from the far-separated ranches might have the advantages of an education.


In later life he gave nearly all of his fortune to Doane College so that succeeding generations of poor boys and girls might drink from the fountain of knowledge. wanted all boys and girls to possess the liberty of which the Master spoke when He said: "You shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you free."

Because he knew as a boy how difficult it was to accumulate money, he proved to be an excellent guardian of the Federal Treasury. He remembered as a boy that he had found four silver dollars in the snow, and the lesson his father impressed upon him. Much to Hugh's reluctance, his father insisted they not return home until they had found the person who had lost the money and returned it to him. During his Senate days Hugh Butler was a joint sponsor of the Government corporation control law, one of the most important pieces of legislation in this generation, and was active as a member of the Senate Finance Committee in scrutinizing and working for the reduction of Federal expenditures.

The dominating passion of his life was to do justice. Like Amos, he could hear God saying: "Let justice roll down like waters, and righteousness like an ever-flowing



"What does the Lord require of you, but to do justice, and to love kindness." Some men in their desire to do justice become vitriolic and embittered in nature, and engage in continual denunciation and vituperation. He Such was not true of Hugh Butler. wanted to do justice, but he also loved kind


Those who knew him in his younger days remember the enduring and deep affection which existed between him and his wife, and his sorrow over her tragic death just before he was to take his seat in the United States Senate. The loss of their first child shortly after birth, and the death of a second son at 12 years of age from pneumonia, were sorrows which they bore bravely during the rest of their married life together.

The affection which he might have given to his own children he bestowed upon others. "What Mrs. Butler and I wanted to do for our boy," he said, "we will do for other boys." And so he established scholarships at his beloved alma mater, Doane College, so that annually 30 boys and girls might be able to receive a college education.

His kindness carried over into his political career. He had his convictions. He voiced them freely, and defended them courageously. But he never tried to achieve political advantage by attacking his opponents. When he was asked why he was running against one of his fellow church members, Edward Burke, his reply was: "Ed Burke is a good friend of mine. Why don't you vote for him?”

Because in each election he faced and defeated a governor of the State of Nebraska, and was never defeated in any election when he sought public office, you would hear occasional discussion of the "Butler machine." If there was a machine, and there certainly was not in the traditional sense of the term,

it was a machine built upon innumerable


When I think of his kindness I think of a little girl who with her parents was the guest of Senator Butler in the Senate restaurant. He might well have talked only with the adults who were present and ignored her, but in the midst of the luncheon he took a menu, got up from the table and went around to a number of the distinguished Senators eating lunch in the same room, and asked them to autograph the menu for the little girl who was his guest. She took it home with her, and had it framed along with Senator Butler's picture, and to this day

considers it one of her choicest possessions. "What does the Lord require of you, but to do justice, and to love kindness."


"What does the Lord require of you, but to do justice, and to love kindness, and to walk humbly with your God."

Hugh Butler did justice, and loved kindness, because he believed such was a requirement of the Lord. Like Amos he had heard God saying: "Let justice roll down like waters, and righteousness like an everflowing stream." He was kind to others because he had experienced the kindness of God, and knew as did the writer of the book of Jonah that He was a gracious God and merciful, slow to anger, and abounding in steadfast love.

From early boyhood he attended the Congregational Church in Cambridge. When he moved to Curtis he was superintendent of the church school. Later he became an active member of the First Central Congregational Church, of Omaha, serving at one time as a moderator of the Nebraska Congregational Conference. He was aware of the fact that his achievements were not entirely of his own making; they were the result of the guidance and beneficence of God. And so in later years when he was honored by his fellow citizens he did not permit the praise which he received to inflate him with pride. He remembered that he lived not only in the sight of his neighbors and friends; he lived also under the gaze of God. Because he was a truly religious man, he was always a humble man.

His philosophy could be summed up in these lines from Henry Van Dyke: "Let me live my life from year to year With forward face and unreluctant soul, Not hastening to nor turning from the goal; Not mourning for the things that disappear In the dim past, nor holding back in fear From what the future veils; but a whole And happy heart, that pays its toll To youth and age, and travels on with cheer. I shall grow old, but never lose life's zest Because the road's last turn will be the best."

And now he has found that the last turn of the road is the best. For around that turn of the road he has approached the gates of the Celestial City, and is now reunited with the loved ones who have been waiting for him. And if he wonders humbly if he should enter therein, I am sure that the guardian of the gates will say to him: "Well done, good and faithful servant, enter into the joy of your master."

"What does the Lord require of you, but to do justice, and to love kindness, and to walk humbly with your God."


Mr. MARTIN. Mr. President, last Saturday and Sunday the 200th aniversary of Washington's first combat command was celebrated at Fort Necessity. Dr. William B. Hindman was in charge of the celebration. He is an authority on the early campaigns in southwestern Pennsylvania to establish whether the English or French would dominate on the North American Continent.

The program was very impressive. Troops representing both the Commonwealth of Virginia and the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania took part. The United States Military Band played for the various ceremonies. The British, French, and American flags were raised with proper ceremony.

Owing to the importance of this occasion, I ask unanimous consent to have

printed in the body of the RECORD, as a part of my remarks, the addresses of Gen. George C. Marshall, Secretary of the Interior Douglas McKay, the Senator from Maryland, Mr. Beall, and myself.

There being no objection, the addresses were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows:


Sixty-seven years ago, on a Sunday afternoon, my father took the family on a picnic. We ate our supper on the bank of this stream, probably in this immediate vicinity. He gave us a thrilling description of the battle Washington's small force fought against the French and Indians in this field-Great Meadows, as it was called. I pictured painted redskins behind every tree over there. I clearly recall his showing us the shallow outline of the trench that had been manned by the colonists.

He told us how Washington passed near this spot a year later, accompanying Braddock's famous Redcoats on their fatal march toward Fort Duquesne; that is, the Pittsburgh of today. He described the near massacre of most of Braddock's command, the retreat, and Braddock's death and burial on the hillside trail a short 2 miles from here.

That afternoon became a lasting memory. Young though I was, it aroused my deep interest in the history of that period, as it was outlined by great events in this region. Often I was to come in the evening to the site of Braddock's grave in company with my young friends on parties to the nearby mountainhouse with its chicken and waffle supper as the main event.

The bald knob in the mountain range 6 miles northwest of here, Dunbar's Camp, where Colonel Dunbar buried the reserve ammunition of Braddock's army and hastily retreated eastward toward Williamsburg is a familiar sight to many of you. Near its foot is the deep ravine where Washington surprised and almost wiped out Jumonville's small reconnoitering party, firing the opening shot in the war that was to rage in Europe for 7' long years. It became a familiar setting for my first troutfishing efforts.

Washington Springs, the site of Washington's meeting with the Half-King; the Washington farm in the fertile valley west of the mountain-all those localities were steeped in early American history, when this was the far frontier, and the struggle between England and France for control of America was a bitter contest.

Hunting the mountain grouse, or pheasant, as we called them, made me more and more familiar with these historic surroundings, especially as the birds favored the glades along the old Braddock Trail. But, very strange to say, practically none of this was touched on in our local schooling. Had it been, I am sure we would have acquired a taste for American history which would have been of great benefit to our opinions as citizens in later years. It would certainly have promoted an early knowledge of the world struggles which, for a time, were centered hereabouts.

Great things had their beginnings here. The man to lead the colonists in the revolutionary struggle had his start here, an unsuccessful one it must have seemed. preparation for the long struggle ahead, with its many pitfalls and its awful discouragements, was initiated here.


Few young Americans realize how many powerful nations struggled for a place in this country. The Russians were established as far south as San Francisco Bay. The word "struggled" is hardly applicable to them, because they chose to sell out. New Orleans, with its strategical domination of the entire Mississippi Valley, and Florida, shuttled about between Spain and France, and New England and New York State were in an al

most constant state of threat by the British struggle to maintain a dependable army deout of Canada. spite short-term enlistments, along with the failure to provide pay, food, and clothing, then we find him persistent but patient, determined but respectful, seemingly humble with respect to the governing political body, whatever its action or lack of action may have been. And in that attitude we find the basis for general acceptance of the title of "Father of His Country," bestowed on him by grateful countrymen.

But there is quite another side to this phase of the development of America. We chose, ourselves, in the War of the Revolution, to make a bid for the control of Canada. Much later on, we fought the Mexicans and took from them much of the Southwest and all of California, and we crowded the Indians back all along our frontiers, frequently in violation of their treaty rights. But the start, in effect, was here in the small engagement in this field, with the prodigious results which followed.

So, when we assemble here to celebrate the 200th anniversary of the Battle of Fort Necessity, we are dealing with the early frontier of this country, the struggle between the French and British for control; actually the birth of American military power and leadership, a preliminary to the Revolutionary War and our march to the westward.

Since those days, there has been a tremendous shift in power and place, and in tempo. Our most pressing interests today are far remote from the mountains of western Pennsylvania. They concern the Far East, across the Pacific, Western Europe, northern Africa, and the Middle East. All of Latin America is much to our interest. But keep in mind one outstanding fact. Nowhere are we grasping for territory. We want peace and, what is far more important, we want a sound basis for an enduring peace.

Turning back again to the historic events of this region and their relation to the future, I think possibly the most telling result which followed the disaster of Braddock's

defeat was the initiation of a feeling among the colonists that they were capable of themselves to fight for independence; that the famous soldiers who then dominated the battlefields of Europe could possibly be discounted. Bunker Hill 22 years later confirmed this point of view and awakened a strong determination to fight to a finish, with a Washington to lead them. Of course there was much to learn, mostly of discipline, of stability, of leadership-and the outrageous vagaries of the Continental Congress at times hopelessly confused matters. Only the firm, wise leadership and remarkable personality of Washington saved the situation.

Referring to Washington's leadership in the revolutionary struggle and his later title as the "Father of His Country," it is very interesting to trace the course of his development to his Revolutionary War status. Here at Fort Necessity, at the ambuscade of Jumonville, he was young, aggressive, and fearless-very young as a matter of fact. He goes back to Will's Creek-Cumberland, as we know it-and is given command of a small body of troops to guard the settlers against Indian forays. His forts marked the course of the Shenandoah Valley. He was refused reinforcements for his small command, despite frequent massacres of the families of the pioneers; he was denied many necessities to enable him to protect those pioneers. His letters addressed to the colonial government at Williamsburg are bitter in recrimination. He was completely outraged by the failure of that government to support him sufficiently to protect the frontier people against the Indian savagery.

Finally, he resigned and took up his life at Mount Vernon. For years he was not only a leading citizen, the head of a large and valuable plantation, but for 15 years he was a member of the House of Burgesses at the colonial capitol of Williamsburg. There, for the first time, he learned something of the difficulties surrounding action by a democratic assembly; he learned the difficulty of obtaining appropriations that involve expenditures for troops. So, when he finds himself at Valley Forge lacking virtually everything for his men-food, clothing, blankets, shoes-when he is beset with the


Those of us who have had the opportunity to participate in the dedication of this hallowed ground will leave with renewed faith in the greatness of our American heritage.

I am sure that all of you who have gathered here have been inspired, as I have been, with an earnest determination that the ideals of our Founding Fathers will be perpetuated.

These brief hours at Fort Necessity on this great national holiday, serve to remind us of the legacy of freedom which men such as Washington, Jefferson, Franklin, and Marshall have passed on to us.

This patriotic heritage which rests so close to our hearts is the strong bastion in an age when bitter and partisan rescrimination is the stock in trade of those who attack our institutions and our ideals of freedom and independence.

Our Nation and our philosophy of government have their firm foundations in decency, justice, and moderation.

These qualities and these patriotic attributes were exemplified here yesterday by one of the Nation's brilliant military leaders, a man of unimpeachable honesty and decency-George Catlett Marshall.

His service to the Nation and to humanity exemplifies the highest idealism of patriotism and love of country.

We are gathered on a spot which marks a turning point in the history of our Nation. The battle of Fort Necessity, seemingly a defeat, brought into world prominence for the first time the man who was to become the father of the United States-George Washington.

The National Park Service of the Department which I have the honor of serving, is dedicated to the work of preserving for the American people such historic places, mileposts in the history of our national development.

They are preserved so that we may pause, reflect deeply upon their meaning, and derive guidance to chart our course for the future. From them we receive a renewed sense of patriotism, spiritual satisfaction and confidence.

Fort Necessity is one of the four great historical areas in the National Park System in this Commonwealth. Each of them portrays a dramatic step in the development of the Republic.

Independence National Historical Park in Philadelphia, where the Declaration of Independence was signed on July 4, 1776, and where the Liberty Bell is sheltered is a symbol of freedom for all men wherever human rights have not been crushed by cruel dictatorships.

During the Revolution, the Congresses continued to meet in Independence Hall in Philadelphia except during brief interruptions occasioned by the military activities of the British.

Thus Philadelphia was the focal point in the winning of our independence and the formation of the Republic.

At Birdsboro, Pa., the National Park Service administers the Hopewell Village National Historic Site in which is depicted the story of the American iron-making industry.

A third great historical area administered by the Park Service is Gettysburg National Military Park, the scene of one of the world's

greatest battles, and the turning point in the Civil War.

Fort Necessity marks another and earlier milestone in American history, linking us with the past, bringing with it a deeper understanding and appreciation of our history and the sacrifices that made possible our achievements as a Nation.

And as in colonial days, Pennsylvania today continues its important role in maintaining the prosperity and security of our Nation.

From the days of William Penn, this Commonwealth has been in the forefront of our history, setting an example of tolerance and wisdom for others to emulate.

These hills hills of western Pennsylvania, fought over in 1754, have yielded coal and other mineral resources that have had a far-reaching effect on our national economy.

The Forks of the Ohio as the junction of the Allegheny and Monongahela Rivers was known in 1754, a strategic point for both Washington and the French in that year, has grown to be the city of Pittsburgh, one of the great industrial sinews of the United States.

In a very real sense, though no one could have known it at the time, these great industrial resources were at stake in the issues that were drawn at Fort Necessity 200 years ago.

The rich coal of Fayette County, combined with iron ore from the Lake Superior ranges, have been a precious legacy to the American people. American inventive genius, business acumen, and good, hard work have done the rest.

forget the sacrifices of our forefathers that In our search for material things we often have made possible the opportunities we have today for achieving security.

Fort Necessity then will serve always as a symbol, not of the dead past, but a glowing beacon which will light the path toward greater days and greater national achievements.

A nation which forgets its heroes is a country without a soul. In our preoccupation with the development of our economy and with the necessity for keeping step with world competition in peace and war, we may have been inclined at various periods of history to forget the importance of the preservation and protection of our historic spots.

Fortunately, there has always been a catalytic force at work which has not permitted the National Government to lag unduly in recalling its debt to history.

Such a force has been at work here at Fort Necessity, and through the intelligent enterprise of local patriots this battleground will be preserved for posterity, not in a haphazard manner, but as a recognized and appreciated responsibility.

Here, too, we find the State joining with local citizens and the Federal Government in sharing in the task of preserving this historic shrine. As an important unit in the State system, Fort Necessity State Park adds to the beauty and historic significance of the restored fort.

This, in my opinion, is an ideal arrangement. It demonstrates a clear understanding of the necessity for the States and local communities to share with the Federal Government in the development of our national resources, whether the responsibility involves the construction of a giant power dam or the restoration and preservation of a historic


Too long-far too long-have the people looked to Washington for solutions to all their problems.

This attitude of letting Uncle Sam do it is often reflected in the demands that come

to us from all sections of the country for

financial assistance in the establishment of new national parks, new national monuments, and new historical areas.

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