however little disposed to profit by, they were willing to listen to his emphatic warning. He opened with a chaste exordium-expressing his conviction, feelingly, but without menace, of the interesting and momentous character of the question now submitted to the discretion, good sense and patriotism of the House-of its desolating effects, moral, as well as physical, in the South of the state of feeling-of alienated feeling-it had engendered-and its intimate connection with the peace and harmony of the Union. He did not intend to discuss the constitutional question, but would content himself with expressing his firm conviction, that the system was utterly at variance with the spirit, if not with the letter, of that Charter. He would not discuss at large, its policy, but he was equally settled in his belief, that it was partial, unjust and oppressive. His object in rising was to indicate the spirit, with which he thought the subject ought to be taken up and disposed of. That if it were made a contest instead of a compromise, no laurels would be won on either side. He was aware he was in a minority upon both points upon which the question had hitherto turned, but the minority was large, and respectable, and intelligent, and interested, knowing, because feeling, their burthens, and that it was vain to talk of delusions, and imaginary op pressions. He trusted such allusions would neither be made, nor relied on-that a totally different course would be pursued, or he seriously feared for the Constitution:-it was formed with a different spirit, it could be preserved only by a different spirit. The system in its present form could not exist, and the United States exist also.

He wished to impress upon the House the necessity of a middle ground. He could neither agree with his colleague, (Mr. McDuffie) nor with the friends of the System, and he felt bound to say why he differed from the former. He believed the principle, that the bur then fell upon the consumers of all classes, and upon the

cotton grower only in the capacity of a consumer, to be incontrovertible; that the price of a staple. produced in such large quantities, having such extensive markets, as cotton, was not regulated by local legislation:-it was settled by the quantity, quality and demand-in other words, as every thing else, ultimately by demand and supply. He did not mean to underrate the evil, it was sufficiently great without resorting to exaggeration. As to the position, that the Tariff cheapened goods, he required but one proof to convince him of its soundness. When the friends of the system should demand a lower rate of dutics in order to raise the price-which was manifestly their interest-he would become a convert to the force of the argument. He felt no inclination to destroy the system at one fell swoop,”—he only desired a gradual reduction to a revenue system. He explained another objection he had to his colleague's bill, and shewed that it recognised the principle of a protective Tariff. He also dwelt upon the doctrine of the veto, which had been glanced at; and entered into an argument to shew its utter discordance with the letter, spirit, and entire principles of the Federal and State Governments. He concluded with im pressing upon the House, the necessity of taking up the subject in a proper spirit-of divesting themselves of all partizanship—and meeting the question as a great national concern.

WASHINGTON CITY, June 8. Yesterday Mr. White, of Tennessee, occupied the Senate two hours upon the Bank question, without concluding his argument. He brings it to a close to-day, and will, it is said, move that the subject be referred to the Secretary of the Treasury to report upon.→→ That it has been prematurely pressed upon Congress for the purpose of influencing the Presidential question, there cannot be a rational doubt, and the object of such

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a reference would be to defer the question to the next session, which is in fact too soon to decide upon an institution wielding such tremendous power for good or evil, and defeat the manœuvre of an opposition, whose object is not the good of the country, but to fetter, harrass and destroy the present administration, and ride into office upon the credulity of the people. That the President has fully made up his mind as to the course he will pursue in the matter, no one can doubt, who knows his character, his unswerving resolution to fulfil his pledges of office, without faltering about consequences. Fortunately, in any event, the malice of his enemies is impotent, and we consider it no slight indication of the soundness, good sense and integrity of the American people, that despite the reckless, unceasing, unprincipled obloquy that has been heaped upon the administration, they still remain faithful to the Presi dent of the People, and will bear him triumphantly through the storm, which the plotting malice of his enemies has prepared to overwhelm him. We are gratified to be able to assure the friends of Gen. Jackson, that his health and spirits are all they could desire them.

In the House, yesterday, Mr. Davis, of Massachu setts, addressed the Committee of the Whole for three hours upon the tariff. He especially pitted himself against Mr. McDuffie, whose ultra notions, he luminously analyzed, and.we thought, sometimes, conclusively refuted, though the general and really strong features of the question, and some of Mr. McDuffie's original and powerful illustrations, he either failed fairly and fully to meet, or studiously avoided. He is the stronghorse of the manufacturers, and is evidently a man of nervous, well disciplined mind, and a practical debater. Mr. McDuffie, unfortunately, sometimes afforded him room for cavil, but otherwise his apology for the system was trite and glaringly unsatisfactory, and made a striking contrast to the overwhelming mass of objections

adduced by that gentleman. In this specch he made no addition to the principles and illustrations he used in his reply to Mr. McDuffie, in 1830. nor did he appear to as much advantage as we had been led to expect from the perusal of his remarks on that occasion.When he concluded, Mr. Mitchell, of S. C. took the floor, and addressed the Committee for two hours, in a speech of uncommon brilliancy and power. He opened with a chaste exordium, pointing out the absolute necessity of a compromise between the two parties,— that it was imperatively demanded by the state of the nation, and that whatever were the obstacles that interposed-and pride of opinion, and sectional interest both militated against it-they ought, and must be satisfied. He compared the situation of the House to that of a session he had witnessed during the last war, and drew a vivid sketch of the state of the country at that period-its extreme poverty and embarrassment, &c. He delineated with great felicity the disputes and divisions occasioned by the proposition and adjustment of internal taxes-the discordant interests created, and the difficulty in effecting a harmonious compromise. The members from the interior opposed the tax on whiskey, as injurious to their constituents, while the members from the cities and sca-board as strenu ously objected to the stamp tax on the same ground of sectional interest. That the distracted state of the country loudly called for compromise, and that, amid all those contending interests, the call was heard and obeyed. He said, he doubted not that the same, perhaps greater, difficulties, prevailed now, but that the same, if not greater, necessity for compromise existed, and he invoked the patriotism of the House to be equal to the sacrifice. He said that he had observed a spirit of conciliation and compromise every where but on this floor, and that the opposite disposition had never been so apparent to him as it was now evidenced by the amendment of the gentleman from Pennsylvapia, Mr,

Stewart. He then instituted a comparison between the amendment in question and the clause in the bill for which it is substituted, and by entering into details, and analysing and examining the bearing of both, proved that the former was palpably the more oppressive of the two. He sketched the origin and progress of this amendment, traced its history back to its origin in the Hartford Convention, by which it was rejected, subsequently to Mr. Mallary, by whom it was proposed as an amendment of the act of 1828, and then a second time rejected! And this proposition, he went on to say, which was first conceived and broached by the famous, or rather infamous Hartford Convention, and was rejected in 1828 by both Committee and House, as too ultra, exorbitant and oppressive, was now seriously proposed as a measure of conciliation and compromise! He then referred to the other amendments that had been submitted to the Committee, examined their provisions at some length, and proved, that they exorbi tantly increased the duties they pretended to diminish. He observed that all the promises of relief held out by the bill, were couched in language sufficiently intelli gible, but the burthens were so wrapped up and concealed by the details of manufacturing and commercial phrases and jargon, as to be often inscrutable.

He next took up the chief bill, (Mr. Adams') and dwelt upon its principles and provisions at considerable length, and with great acuteness and ability. He said, that desirous as he was of a compromise, and, if he knew himself, it was the first wish of his heart, he could not recognize the principle upon which it was founded. That the bill proposed the laying of a revenue beyond the necessary governmental expenditure. which he conceived to be the limit of constitutional taxation, and that this feature alone was enough forever to deprive it of his support. He said, its leading principle was the broad ground assumed by Alexander Hamilton in his report on manufactures, that the power