XVII.

The American Society in 1839 Admits Women - Strong Protest Against the Measure Scheme for Rescinding the Action in 1840-Struggle of the Two Parties - Transfer of "The Emancipator"- A Steamboat Excursion - The Admission of Women Confirmed - A Woman on the Business Committee-A New National Society - Its History — Its Decease — American Missionary Association-The Old Society-"National Anti-Slavery Standard" and its Editors - Garrison's Tribute to Arthur Tappan - John A. Collins-N. P. Rogers-Abby Kelley.

IN 1839 the American Anti-Slavery Society, after a long and somewhat unpleasant discussion, decided to interpret the word "person" in its constitution as including women as well as men. The vote stood yeas, 180; nays, 140. The nays, it will be observed, were much more numerous in New York than they had been in Boston, showing that the influence of "Carolina's high-souled daughters" had been more potent in Massachusetts than elsewhere-perhaps because there an attempt had been made to silence them by an ecclesiastical bull. The act, it was understood, was not favorably regarded by the Executive Committee; but in an address to the public they said: "The vote of the Society, being grounded on the phraseology of its constitution, cannot be justly regarded as committing the Society in favor of any controverted principle respecting the rights of women to participate in public affairs." This was exactly what the friends of the measure had said in the discussion; while the opponents had sought to defeat it upon the assumption that its passage would commit the Society

to the doctrines of woman's rights, in all their length and breadth. Dr. Leavitt, in "The Emancipator," not only endorsed what the Executive Committee had said, but went further in the remark that "a contrary decision, unsupported by the constitution, would have been taking sides on a question respecting which the Society is bound to entire neutrality." In view of these expressions of opinion at headquarters, those who voted in the majority hoped that there would be no further controversy on the subject, and that the minority, while doubtful of the wisdom of the course that had been taken, would cheerfully acquiesce in the decision.

As the year went on, however, it became more and more manifest that the Executive Committee of the Parent Society sympathized with the new organization rather than with its old and faithful auxiliary in Massachusetts. There was a strong suspicion among the friends of the latter that the committee in New York was hardly acting in good faith toward the society from which it had received its appointment, and that it was actually playing into the hands of the new organization, in the hope of being able, at the next meeting, to reverse the action upon the woman question, and put the whole movement into a hostile attitude toward its founder. I do not affirm that this suspicion was just; I only say it was entertained upon grounds that were thought to be tenable. The friends of the old organization, therefore, were in an anxious frame of mind during that whole year. As the time of the anniversary of 1840 drew near, information was received in Boston that confirmed them in their belief that a plan was on foot to capture the National Society in the interest of the new organization. We were assured that private circulars had been issued for the purpose of securing a large attendance of those who were supposed to be friendly to such a scheme, and that measures had been taken to enlist the support of large

numbers of Abolitionists in New York and its immediate vicinity. Again let me say I do not affirm that these reports were true; I only affirm that they were honestly believed to be so. Then, just three weeks before the annual meeting, came the sudden announcement that "The Emancipator," the weekly organ of the society, had been transferred-professedly for lack of funds to maintain it longer, and for that reason onlyto the New York City Anti-Slavery Society, upon the condition that it should be continued under the editorship of the Rev. Joshua Leavitt. As the paper was the property of the society, and had been published at its expense for years, this was regarded as an act of bad faith, designed to keep the paper out of the hands of its rightful owners, in case the scheme for revolutionizing the society should miscarry. Hot words were used to characterize the act, and the friends of the old organization never saw any reason for withdrawing them. It was felt that if the Executive Committee were really unable to publish the paper for three weeks, until the society could have an opportunity to decide for itself what disposition to make of it, the only honorable course to take was to suspend it for that brief period. I do not now impeach the motives of the committee; I only say, upon compulsion, as one bound to speak the truth, that they were impeached at the time, and that the committee defended themselves warmly. Those who wish to enter into the full merits of the question are referred to the anti-slavery papers of that day. I will state, however, first, that those concerned in the transaction stoutly denied, during the controversy which it provoked, that their motive for making the transfer was either partly or wholly to keep it out of the hands of Mr. Garrison and his friends. At any rate, they put forth another reason as the only one existing. Secondly, Mr. Lewis Tappan, who had participated in the transaction, writing seven years

afterwards to Miss Maria Waring, an English lady, used these exact words: "The paper was transferred, not alone on account of the pecuniary difficulties of the society, but because the Executive Committee did not wish to continue it themselves, or leave it in the hands of their successors of different principles." If this avowal had been frankly made at the time, there would have been no difference of opinion among impartial men as to the character of the transaction.

Under the circumstances above described, the friends of the old organization in Massachusetts felt compelled to take some efficient measures to defeat what they thought an unworthy plot to change the whole character of the anti-slavery movement and place it upon a sectarian basis. What they did was to charter a steamer, to take from Providence to New York as large a number of delegates as might choose to attend. They put the fare at a low rate, and sent out a rallying-cry through "The Liberator" to all who desired to keep the good ship Anti-Slavery on her right

course.

The call was promptly responded to. Over four hundred delegates, many of them women, went to New York in the steamer "Rhode Island," prepared to do what they could to preserve the integrity of the antislavery movement. A happier crowd I never saw, and surely a more respectable body of people never went on board a ship. They were all animated by what they regarded as a high and noble purpose. They were of one heart and one mind, of "one accord in one place." Songs and speeches filled up the evening hours until the time for sleep, when such as were fortunate enough to obtain berths retired for the night. Those less fortunate appropriated to themselves such portions of the steamer's floors, in cabin or on deck, as they found available.. There are some people, with nemories better than mine, who could tell some very

amusing stories of that passage through the Sound, and of the entertainment provided, or not provided, for them upon their arrival in New York. Truth to say, the fun of the occasion was mixed with some serious annoyances, of which I shall not pretend to give an account. Mr. John A. Collins, the General Agent of the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society, had done what he could and his qualifications as a quartermaster and commissary were of no mean order to provide for the wants of those modern crusaders; but the quarters engaged for their accommodation were altogether inadequate, and scarcely less "dark, unfurnitured, and mean" than the "obscure hole" in which Harrison Gray Otis found the editor of "The Liberator" some six or seven years before. There were no tents, and if there had been, it would not have been quite safe to set them up in the City Hall Park, or anywhere else under the jurisdiction of the New York police of that day. But all annoyances were borne with a good-natured patience that would have done credit even to veterans, and the whole company were ready for roll-call at the appointed place and time.

The anniversary of the Society was held in the forenoon in the Presbyterian church on the corner of Madison and Catherine streets, and everything passed off pleasantly enough. The only circumstance that I remember very distinctly is, that Henry Highland Garnett, then a young man fresh from the Oneida Institute, where he had enjoyed the instruction of Beriah Green, made on this occasion his maiden speech. It was only half-believed among white people at that day that a negro could make a speech worth listening to; but Mr. Garnett's effort banished any lingering skepticism upon this point from the minds of those who heard it. The meeting for business was held in the same place in the afternoon. The house was crowded by an audience that waited eagerly for