Allies, then made a separate peace with the Central Powers, and at the conclusion of the armistice was an humble supplicant before the Allies, snaps her fingers at them now that she has plenty of food and a large army in the field with nobody to oppose it. There matters now stand. Hungary is still blockaded; she is cut off from all communication with the outside world; famine and idleness still continue in a naturally rich country, and whatever is left there the Roumanians are taking away by force.

I. THE HISTORICAL ASPECT.

In judging the case of Hungary, care should be taken not to confound it with that of Austria. The Empire of Austria, which has never lawfully included the Kingdom of Hungary, came into existence only in 1804, and was a conglomeration of former kingdoms, principalities, and duchies, or parts of them, added by the Hapsburgs to the original archduchies of lower and upper Austria through conquest, marriage, or fraud. Austria has never been a nation, has never had a language of her own, and is now being dissolved into her constituent parts, or into groups of such parts, which can hardly be objected to on historical grounds.

Hungary, on the other hand, has been a homegeneous country practically within her present boundaries for more than a millennium, has had a distinct language of her own, and can not be dissolved into her constituent parts, because she has no constituent parts, except Croatia, which had been a separate crownland of Hungary, with a high degree of national autonomy or home rule. This, however, did not satisfy the Croatians, whose aspirations were for complete independence, which was freely granted them by the recent Károlyi Government. Hungary proper (viz, Hungary without Croatia can thus be only dismembered or partitioned even as Poland had been partitioned in the eighteenth century.

References to "the Maramouresh." "the Krishana" (this name is unintelligible to Hungarians), Transylvania, "the Banat," or "the Bachka" are apt to mislead the uninitiated into the belief that these terms denote separate Provinces of Hungary, whereas these regions are integral parts of Hungary and, with the exception of the first and last named, which are two Hungarian counties, they form not even separate administrative units.

The basin of the middle Danube. encircled by the Carpathian Mountains, had been the tramping ground of a multitude of races-Celts, Teutons, Tacians, Goths, Slave, Huns, Avars during the great migration of nations. None of these races, not even the Roman, succeeded in establishing a permanent government in that region which nature itself has cut out to form one country. It was left to the Hungarians, or Magyars, who, under their leader Arpád, conquered that country toward the end of the ninth century, to rear there a solid fabric of government which has withstood all vicissitudes of fortune for a thousand years.

"The Hungarian Constitution," to quote the words of the greatest English authority on Hungary, the Hon. C. M. Knatchbull-Hugessen, "which has been obscured at intervals, violated at times, and suspended for a period, only to prove its indestructibility, is the product of no charter or fundamental statute, but is the result of a slow process of development, of a combination of statute and customary law which finds its nearest parallel in Great Britain. It is remarkable that two such different races should have proceeded on such similar lines as the Anglo-Saxon and the Asiatic people, which, both as regards language and primitive institutions, introduced an entirely new element into Europe. The four blows with the sword directed, at his coronation, to the four cardinal points, by every Hungarian king down to Francis Joseph, are an emblem and a recognition of the fact that the Magyar people has had to maintain itself by force of arms against the unceasing attacks of alien neighbors, and the fact that a few thousand wanderers from Asia were able to preserve their individuality and institutions in the midst of an ocean of Slavs, Germans, and Turks and obtained comparatively quickly a position of equality with members of the European family, argues the possession of exceptional military and political qualities, of exceptional cohesiveness, of a stoical capacity for endurance, and of a rooted confidence in themselves and in their future which no vicissitudes of fortune have been able to destroy. The alien jargon first heard by European ears twelve hundred years ago has maintained its existence in spite of the competition of German and Slav dialects, of deliberate discouragement, and temporary neglect and has developed into a language which, for fullness and expressiveness, for the purpose of science as well as of poetry, is the equal if not the superior of the majority of European tongues.' St. Stephen (907-1038) was the first ruler of fiungary to be converted to Christianity, and, having to choose between Byzance and Rome, he wisely chose the latter, thereby saving his people from absorption by the Slavs and his country from sinking to the level of the Balkan States.

In 1222 the Hungarian Diet wrung from a weak king the Bulla Aurea, or Golden Bull, which-in close resemblance to the Magna Charta of England, which preceded it only by a few years is a fundamental charter of Hungarian liberty and one of the proofs of the great political capacity of the Hungarian race.

After the extinction of the male line of this house of Arpád (1308) the country was ruled for 200 years by kings from various dynasties, among whom Louis, the Angevine, surnamed the Great, whose dominion extended from the Black Sea to the Baltic, and Matthias Corvinus, surnamed the Just, son of John Hunyady, the Turk beater, were the most noteworthy.

The fight against the growing power of the Ottoman Empire had begun, and the lion's share of defending Christianity against the onslaught of Moslemism fell to Hungary. It retarded her own progress but facilitated the development of civilization in the West of Europe. In 1526, after the fateful Battle of Mohacs, the country was divided into three parts, to be reunited only after the final expulsion of the Turks at the beginning of the eighteenth century. One-third of the country fell under the sway of the Turks, Transylvania (southeastern Hungary) was ruled by Hungarian princes, and the rest was under the rule of the Hapsburgs.

Until 1867 the policy of the Hapsburgs had been twofold: To Germanize and Romanize Hungary. and, acting on their motto "divide ut imperes," to play off one race against the other. In the latter they succeeded only too well, but their other efforts failed against the indomitable spirit of the Hungarians in defending their nationality and religious freedom. There is only one absorbent civilization in Hungary, the Hungarian; and, while more than one-half of the people belong to the Catholic Church, Hungary is still the easternmost bulwark of Protestantism. The uprisings in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, led by Bocskay, Bethlen, and Rákóczi, were made just as much in the defense of religious liberty as of national independence.

In 1848 the Hungarians rose again against the autocracy of the Hapsburgs under the leadership of Louis Kossuth, the champion of Europeau democracy.

The interest of the American people in the gallaut struggle of Hungary was so great that President Taylor, in June, 1849, sent a "special and confidential agent" to Hungary in the person of Ambrose Dudley Mann, of Virginia, who, however, arrived too late for Russia, the greatest military power of the age, had intervened in favor of the Hapsburgs, with Great Britain and France looking on without a word of protest. (See Mann's report in Appendix A.)

In 1851 Kossuth, who had been freed from internment mainly through the efforts of Daniel Webster, was invited to the United States as the guest of the nation, and met with an enthusiastic reception, to which only that given to Lafayette may be compared. His tour of the United States failed in its principal object of securing American support for the next uprising of the Hungarians, and is now remarkable mainly for the fact that he was the first to advocate in America the very principles which President Wilson had been propounding, viz, the right of self-determination, a league of nations to protect it, the partaking of America in the affairs of the Old World, and the abolition of secret diplomacy as the root of all international intrigue.

It may be noted here, for its bearing on American history, that between three and four thousand of Kossuth's compatriots found an asylum in the United States, and when the proposition of a "government of the people, for the people, and by the people," was on trial, nearly 1,000 of them enlisted in the Union Army, a proportion not equaled by any other race. Their military prowess, intelligence, and devotion was proved by the fact that out of this handful of Hungarians two reached the rank of major general and five became brigadier generals.

In 1859 Louis Kossuth arrived at an understanding with Cavour and Napoleon the Third to carry the Austro-Italian War into Hungary, whereupon the Hungarians would rise again to expel the Hapsburgs. But Napoleon, getting frightened by his own suc cess, broke his word, and concluded the premature peace of Villafranca, thereby shattering all hopes of the Hungarians.

Having been forsaken by the western powers three times, in 1849, 1852, and 1859, is it to be wondered at that Hungary finally consented to the compromise of 1867 with Austria and the Hapsburgs, which restored-at least on paper-her constitution? Hungary's unfortunate connection with the Hapsburgs, forced upon her by the attitude of the western powers and the threatening Russian peril, led inevitably to the alliance with Germany. That the Russian or Slavic peril to hungary was not imaginary has been proved by recent events.

In the condemnation of Hungary for having entered the German alliance these facts must not be lost sight of. It should also not be forgotten that under the political arrangement between Austria and Hungary, known as Dualism, Hungary had no control of her foreign policy and of her army.

Of the four claimants to Hungarian territory two, viz Serbia and German Austria, have as far as is known to us-not based their claims on historical grounds.

The Bohemians, or Czechs, have made some allusion to the semimythical Moravian Empire of Svatopluk, which is alleged to have extended over parts of northern Hungary and been disrupted by the incursion of the Hungarians in the 9th century. The S'ovaks, it is alleged, are the descendants of Svatopluk's Moravians.

The Roumanians have advanced a more definite claim to priority of occupation in the theory of their descent from the Daco-Romans, who had lived in Transylvanis before the migration of the nations. The Roumanian claims are treated more fully in Appendix B.

Both of these theories have been proved by historical research to be false. But even if they were not false the principle of priority of occupation has never been defined in the law of nations. How many years of occupation is required to establish a valid title to a country? One hundred years, or 500 years, or more? If occupation for a thousand years is not acknowledged to be a valid title to a country, then we may be called upon some day to relinquish our title to Texas, and California, and other parts of the United States in favor of Mexico, or Spain, or the Indians, and the whole map of Europe may have to be made over, too. And it is certainly the height of absurdity to go back for a title to a country to a period before the migration of the nations, even if the continuity of the race dispossessed by several subsequent conquerors could be proved.

At the time of the conquest of Hungary by the Hungarians, or Magvars, the country was sparsely settled, and the non-Magyar races were speedily absorbed by them. AÍ the non-Magyar races now living in Hungary are later immigrants. The Magyars have built up and maintained the State for a thousand years and have stamped their civilization on the whole country.

On historical grounds, therefore, only the Hungarians, and no one else, have any right to Hungarian territory.

11. THE RACIAL OR ETHNOGRAPHICAL ASPECT.

Hungary proper covers a territory of 109,216 square miles with a total population of 18,264,533.

Racially the Hungarian, or Magyar, race predominates, making up 54.5 per cent, i. e., more than one-half, of the population and being numerically more than three times as strong as the next race in numbers, the Roumanians. Of the urban population fully 76 per cent are Magvars. But it is not numbers alone that count, and the Magyars-to use the words of Daniel Webster-"stand out from it above their neighbors in all that respects free institutions, constitutional government, and a hereditary love of liberty." (See Appendix A.)

The central plains of Hungary are populated almost wholly by the Magyars. Toward the peripheries their numbers diminish, although right on the Hungarian-Roumanian border there are three counties almost entirely Magyar. But they are present everywhere, and in the peripheries the various races are so intermingled that it is impossible to cut out large territories on a racial basis without incorporating large minorities of other races, which of course object to such incorporation.

The dismemberment of Hungary has been proposed in order to secure the right of self-determination of small nations. The perusal of the statistical table and map attached hereto will easily convince everybody open to conviction that the claims put forward by the imperialistic neighbors of Hungary, and apparently approved at Paris, can not be justified on the basis of that principle. On the contrary, those claims are direct denials of the right of self-determination, for in each of the sections claimed by the four neighboring countries the particular race claiming it is in the minority. Neither is it in accord with the facts that by the proposed dismemberment of Hungary the Magyar race would be confined to its ethnic limits, for in the territories to be wrested from Hungary the Magyars would have a very large plurality and. together with the German element, would form a majority. The ethnic limits of the Magyar race are hard to define: they certainly reach beyond the boundaries of Hungary into Roumania and Croatia.

The Roumanians claim nearly one-half of the territory of Hungary, 26 counties out of 63, with a total population of nearly 7,000,000, out of which not quite 3,000,000, or 43 per cent, are Roumanians, and many of them are disinclined to be ruled by the boyars, as the junkers of Roumania are called. In the 15 counties of Transylvania (southeastern Hungary) alone the Roumanians have indeed a bare majority, but it is right there on the southeastern border that large contiguous territories are peopled by Székely Magyars and Saxon settlers.

In practically all the towns of 10,000 and over the Magyars are in the majority, and in the few instances in which they are not, the majority is German. Yet the Roumanians claim such important Magyar cities as Maros-Vasarhelv, Nagyvarad, Szatmar, Arad, and last but not least-- Kolozsvar, the capital of Transylvania. Kolozsvar, the Precious (Kincses Kolozsvar), as the Hungarians love to call it, is a beautiful city full of historical associations dear to the hearts of all Hungarians; it has a university, several colleges, museums, and libraries, it is the center of the Unitarian Church in Hungary, and a commercial emporium as well. All that has been created by the Magyars through the work of centuries. The Roumanians have had no part in it, constituting only 12 per cent of the population.

It is an admitted fact that the Roumanian people of Hungary are on a much higher level of civilization both as to literacy and to wealth than their brethren in the King dom of Koumania, where they surely can not complain of racial oppression. The same applies, even in a higher degree, to the Serbian people of Hungary as compared with the people in the Serbian Kingdom.

The claims of Serbia to Hungarian territory rest on a still more slender basis than those of Roumania. Apart from the fact that the Serbians of Hungary are descendants of refugees who had found there an asylum against Turkish oppression, they form only a small minority of the population of the regions claimed. Their claim embraces 15,829 square miles with a population of nearly 3,000,000. of whom only 427,876, or 14.5 per cent, are Serbians, and 113,822, or 3.8 per cent, are Croatians. Even if we suppose all the smaller races collected in the census under the heading of “others” to be Shokatses, Bunyevatses, and Slovenes, races kindred to the Serbians, the total of all Jugo-Slavs in the regions claimed would be less than 25 per cent.

It is worthy of note that in the territory which both Serbia and Roumania claim, the so-called Banat, neither the Jugo-Slavs nor the Roumanians have even a plurality. According to newspaper reports, in this region the city of Temesvar has been awarded to Roumania and the city of Versecz to Serbia. In the former the Roumanians constitute only 10.4 per cent, in the latter the Serbians constitute only 31.4 per cent of the population.

The Czech claims, as originally formulated, were based on the principle of race, and comprised only that part of northern Hungary in which the Slovak people were numerically predominating. Even that was contrary to the right of self-determination, for the majority of the Slovak people of Hungary want no union with the Czechs. They said so openly in their national meeting held at Kassa in December last, declaring that the Slovaks are a nation free and independent from both Bohemia and Hungary, but recognizing the force of economical laws they would be willing to enter into a federation with the rest of Hungary.

Later, however, the Czechs threw the ethnic principle overboard and increased their demands so as to join hands in the northeast with the Roumanians, and in the west, by setting up a "corridor" with the Jugo-Slavs, no matter what foreign races they would have to incorporate in their new empire. Thus the remainder of Hungary would be surrounded by an iron ring of Slavs and Roumanians, and cut off from direct communication with western Europe. The Czechs claim from Hungary now a territory of 25,540 square miles with a total population of over 4,000,000, of whom only 1,653,341, or 40.5 per cent, are Slovaks, hardly more than the Magyars in the same regions.

They, too, want to incorporate in their new empire a number of important Magyar cities, such as Pozsony and Kassa, for instance, both being Hungarian university towns and the centers of culture and trade for large regions. These two cities are also rich in historical associations, the former having been the seat of the Hungarian Diet for centuries, where many kings of Hungary had been crowned, and the latter having been prominently connected with the war of liberation led by Francis Tákóczi, whose earthly remains rest there in the beautiful old cathedral. The Slovak element in these and many other towns is almost negligible.

It is worthy of note that in Bohemia the Czechs insist on the historical principle in order to keep German Bohemia within their country. In Hungary, however, they refuse to acknowledge the historical principle, for on the historical principle the territorial integrity of Hungary would, of course, remain intact.

The "corridor" in the west of Hungary coveted by the Czechs is claimed also by German Austria, and, according to newspaper reports, will be awarded to the latter. This territory covers 3,434 square miles, with a population of 574,343, of which only 144.708, or 25.2 per cent, are Germans, while 367,746, or 64 per cent, are Magyars. Should all the claims be satisfied, there would remain to Hungary only 24,605 square miles (out of 109,216) with a population of 5,509,168 (out of 18,264,533). Less than one-half (4,925,971) of the Magyars would belong to this "New Hungary," while the larger half of the race (5,018,656) would have to live in foreign countries or be forced to emigrate from what had been their homes for many centuries.

The statistical data used here were compiled from the Hungarian census of 1910, there being no later figures to go by. Since the charge has repeatedly been madewithout producing any proof-that the Hungarian statistics is unreliable, and that the returns as to the mother tongue, or nationality, had been falsified to favor the Magyar race, some authentic information on the subject is submitted in Appendix C. In an attempt to justify the partition of Hungary the argument has been advanced that the minor races (or, rather, some of the minor races) of Hungary have to be "liberated" from the oppression by the Hungarians. The charge of racial oppression by the Hungarians, however, is not borne out by the facts, for whatever oppression there had been in Hungary, had been on class lines and not on racial lines. The