FRANCE UNITED IN THE CAUSE OF RIGHT

PAUL DESCHANEL

AFTER thirty-one months of the most terrible of wars, France is as united as she was on the very first day of hostilities. The crime committed by Germany brought about this miracle. All Frenchmen to-day have but one thought, one ardent desire, and that is to drive out the enemy. A German peace would be but a truce for more wars in the near future. If we cease the struggle to-day, our sons will have to go on with it.

A few weeks since, a deputy from the invaded regions, on coming back to take his seat in the Chamber of Deputies after an absence of two years and a half, said: "They are suffering cruelly there, both in body and soul; they are enduring the greatest humiliations; they have insufficient food; yet, full of determination, they cry to you saying: 'Whatever you do, make no premature peace, no patched-up, no German peace."" We who are free, and far from the struggle, shall we be less determined, less patient and enduring than they are? The noble cry of these our oppressed brothers is heard throughout France, even to her remotest hamlet; the whole country, from the Alps to the Pyrenees, from the

In February of 1917, a great meeting of representative French Associations was held at the Sorbonne. M. Deschanel was in the chair, supported by President Poincaré, the members of the Government and of the diplomatic corps. The chairman addressed the meeting, affirming "the indissoluble union of all Frenchmen in opposing German aggression."

Ocean to the Front, has risen up in wrath, in pride, and hope!

We are approaching the most decisive moment of all times. This war is the greatest of all wars, not only by the length of the battle-line, the power of inventions, the number of men and the peoples engaged in it — fourteen nations, twenty million men, are wrestling, amidst untold horrors but because all the moral inheritance of mankind is at stake. It is no longer a duel between two countries, or two civilizations, Greece and Persia, Rome and Carthage; it is a struggle between the just and the unjust, between honor and perjury, between right and crime. The morality of the universe itself is at stake.

Germany had guaranteed the independence and neutrality of Belgium; she called upon this country to allow her a passage through her land in order to attack France; Belgium refused, and Germany ruthlessly fell upon her and slew her. Germany has, before God, before man, and before the ages to come, stained herself forever with the blood of innocent Belgium. If such a crime should triumph, the human race would be degraded. Treaties would no longer have any value, nations no security you see that neutral countries are already endangered. All moral effort since the human race has existed would be annihilated, and man be on a level with the beasts; the strongest paw, the sharpest claw, would rule the world. The very thought of such a terrible state of existence is maddening. Any one who has a heart would brave the worst evils rather than sink to such degradation.

Germany would like to assume the domination of the world, but by what right? By right of her own superiority, so she says. And wherein lies this vast superiority? Is it in her methods of observation which have

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failed? She was mistaken in her judgment of France, Belgium, Britain, Russia, Italy, and Japan. She understands things, but not men, nor their souls, and yet she wishes to rule and lead them! The Germans say: "Our enemies want to annihilate us." These are but idle words! A nation of seventy million inhabitants cannot be annihilated; and I suppose that when people talk about "destroying Prussian militarism," they don't imagine they can change the Prussian character. Prussia is a military State and can never be anything else. If she had not been such, she would never have existed. It would be necessary, too, to overthrow the German university, school, and pulpit, for her army is only the offspring of these.

No! we are not pursuing some mere fancy or dream; we do not wish to prevent any one from living, but what we do want is that nations may breathe freely and work in peace, in independence and dignity.

AMERICA BREAKS WITH GERMANY

WOODROW WILSON

I CANNOT bring myself to believe that the Imperial German Government will indeed pay no regard to the ancient friendship between their people and our own, or to the solemn obligations which have been exchanged between them, and will destroy American ships and take the lives of American citizens in the wilful prosecution of the ruthless naval program they have announced their intention to adopt. Only actual overt acts on their part can make me believe it even now.

If this inveterate confidence on my part in the sobriety and prudent foresight of their purpose should unhappily prove unfounded; if American ships and American lives should in fact be sacrificed by their naval commanders in heedless contravention of the just and reasonable understandings of international law and the obvious dictates of humanity, I shall take the liberty of coming again before the Congress to ask that authority be given me to use

On February 3, 1917, at two o'clock, the United States, through its President, notified the world that it had broken off diplomatic relations with the Imperial German Government. As President Wilson entered the House, the whole throng rose and cheered him. "Grim faced and solemn" he was escorted to his place and began to read the document which was heard round the world."

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'Not a sound came from floor or galleries but the clear, calm tones of the President, speaking slowly and distinctly. The great assemblage of legislators and notables listened with the closest attention to words which recorded "one of the somber moments of American and world history."

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any means that may be necessary for the protection of our seamen and our people in the prosecution of their peaceful and legitimate errands on the high seas. I can do nothing less. I take it for granted that all neutral governments will take the same course.

We do not desire any hostile conflict with the Imperial German Government. We are the sincere friends of the German people and earnestly desire to remain at peace with the government which speaks for them. We shall not believe that they are hostile to us unless and until we are obliged to believe it; and we purpose nothing more than the reasonable defense of the undoubted rights of our people.

We wish to serve no selfish ends. We seek merely to stand true alike in thought and in action to the immemorial principles of our people which I sought to express in my address to the Senate only two weeks ago -seek merely to vindicate our right to liberty and justice and an unmolested life.

These are the bases of peace, not war. God grant that we may not be challenged to defend them by acts of wilful injustice on the part of the government of Germany.