was trying to ascertain the history of this great people, digging it out of the original, I learned, as I pronounce it in the Hoosier vulgate, that one of the great Romans closed each of his addresses in the Roman Senate with this remarkable statement: "Ceterum censeo Carthaginem esse delendam." History, I hope, again repeats itself in that the people of the seven-hilled city beside the yellow Tiber have resolved that for themselves and for humanity the house of Hapsburg must be destroyed. (Loud applause.)

It is my honor and my pleasure to present to you the representative of the people of Italy, the Prince of Udine. (Loud applause.)

ADDRESS BY PRINCE UDINE

Mr. President and gentlemen of the Senate, I consider it a great honor for the mission of His Majesty, the King of Italy, to be welcomed by the American Senate; it is also a great honor for me, and a source of deep satisfaction, to greet you on behalf of my country and to speak in this glorious assembly, which has never forgotten the noble traditions of democracy and the principles of liberty, in the name of which it was constituted.

In this hour of danger, in which military absolutism is threatening every one, there are nations that have forgotten old and new rivalries, and have united to defeat this menace to the common safety. We are in a more fortunate position. Between the United States of America and Italy there has never been any cause of conflict. Therefore, in your history and in ours there is no page which should be forgotten in this hour of brotherhood. In our present alliance we need not forget any war, nor any rivalry, nor any strife. If nothing brings

men closer together than to fight for the same ideals, and to face the sufferings and the dangers of a great war for the cause of justice and of humanity, we must acknowledge that this new and closer union means for us a greater bond of sympathy and solidarity in addition to those which already linked us.

This long friendship without strife, this union without mistrust, this cloudless future, are enhanced by the fact that both our peoples are at war, not because of any imminent danger that threatened us, but to defend the same ideals of humanity and justice. (Applause.)

Your wars have been fought for independence and for liberty, and your heroes have been men such as George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, and Abraham Lincoln

human heroes, shining lights of the intellect, who looked with a kindly heart even upon their adversaries. (Applause.)

We, too, after having suffered greatly at the hands of foreign oppressors, have won liberty and independence; and our heroes, the men who gathered around Victor Emmanuel II, and gave Italy unity and freedom, were men such as Cavour, Garibaldi, Mazzini, champions of idealism, men who belonged to humanity rather than to their own country, pure glories of the world's democracy. (Applause.)

Italy, gentlemen of the Senate, entered into the war with aims equal to those which you pursue. Her territory had not been invaded, her insecure boundaries had not been violated. Our people understood that the sacrifice of free nations was the prelude to their own sacrifice, and that we could not remain indifferent without denying the very reasons of our existence. (Applause.)

Italy has suffered more than any other nation in Europe the horror of foreign domination, the martyrdom

of invasion and pillage; and, therefore, she will never forget the principles which presided over her birth and which constitute her strength and her defense.

Italy wants the safety of her boundaries and her coasts, and she wants to secure herself against new aggressions. Italy wants to deliver from long-standing martyrdom populations of Italian race and language that have been persecuted implacably, and are nevertheless prouder than ever of their Italian nationality. (Applause.)

But Italy has not been and never will be an element of discord in Europe; and as she willed her own free national existence at the cost of any sacrifice, so she will contribute with all her strength to the free existence and development of other nations.

The mission of which I have the honor to be the head, and in which there are representatives of the Senate of the Kingdom, of the Chamber of Deputies, and members of the Government, desires to express through me the liveliest sympathy to the representatives of the American people. (Applause.)

The message of your President, as our sovereign has said, is worthy, by the nobility of its conceptions and the dignity of its form, to rank with the most inspiring pages in the history of ancient and immortal Rome. (Applause.) It was greeted with the enthusiasm of faith when it made clear the objects of the war and defined the aims of American action. Our soldiers, at the foot of the snowy Alps, amid the atrocious life of underground trenches; our sailors, defying the treacherous warfare of the submarines; the populations of France and of Belgium, suffering under the most cruel servitude, could not read it without a profound emotion.

By proclaiming that right is more precious than peace; that autocratic governments, supported by the force of

arms, are a menace to civilization; by affirming the necessity of guaranteeing the safety of the world's democracies; by proclaiming the right of small nations to live and to prosper, America has now, through the action of her President, acquired a title of merit which history will never forget. (Applause.)

LIBERTY OR DEATH

BARON MONCHEUR

THE VICE PRESIDENT

SENATORS, since that far-off, unrecorded hour when our ancestors began their slow westward movement, unnumbered and unremembered, thousands have died upon the field of battle for love, for hate, for liberty, for conquest, as freemen or as slaves. Every note in the gamut of human passion has been written in the anvil chorus of war. Many have struck the redeeming blow for their own country, but few have unsheathed their swords without the hope of self-aggrandizement. It remained for little Belgium to write in the blood of her martyred sons and daughters a new page in the annals of diplomacy, to inscribe thereon that the dishonor of a people is the aggregate of the selfishness of its citizens; that the honor of a people is the aggregate of the self-sacrifice of its citizens; that treaties are made to be kept, not broken; that a people may dare to walk through "the valley of the shadow of death," touching elbows with their convictions, but that they dare not climb to the mountain tops of safety if thereby they walk over the dead bodies of their high ideals; that a people may safely die if thereby they can compel an unwilling world to toss upon their new-made graves the white lily of a blameless life.

Given at the reception of the Belgian Commission in the United States Senate, June 22, 1917. Mr. Marshall's introductory remarks are especially graceful.