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The situation of Russia at present is complex and difficult. The process of transformation from slavery to liberty does not, of course, assume the form of a parade. It is a difficult and painful work, full of misconceptions, mutual misunderstandings, which prepare a field for cowardice and bad faith, turning free citizens into human dust.

The time of isolated countries is past. The world has long since become one family, which is frequently torn asunder by internal struggles, but which is nevertheless bound together by strong ties — social, economic, and cultural.

Should we, as contemptible slaves, fail to organize into a strong nation, then a dark, sanguine period of internal strife will surely come, and our ideals will be cast under the heels of that despotic rule which holds that might is right and not that right is might. Every one of us, from the soldier to the minister, and from the minister to the soldier, can do whatever he pleases, but he must do it with eyes wide open, placing his devotion to the common ideal above all else.

Comrades, for years we have suffered in silence and were forced to fulfill duties imposed upon us by the old hateful might. You were able to fire on the people when the government demanded that of you. And how do we stand now? Now we can no longer hold out! What does it mean? Does it mean that free Russia is a nation of rebellious slaves? (Uneasiness all over the hall.)

Comrades, I can't I don't know how I can tell the people untruths and conceal from them the truth!

I came to you because my strength was giving way,. because I am no longer conscious of my previous courage. I no longer have the confidence that we are facing not rebellious slaves, but conscious citizens engaged in the

creation of a new Russia and going about their work with an enthusiasm worthy of the Russian people.

They tell us that the front is no longer a necessity; fraternizing is going on there. Do they fraternize on the French front? No, comrades. If we fraternize, then why not fraternize on both sides? Have not the forces of our adversary been transported to the AngloFrench front? And has not the Anglo-French offensive been already halted? As far as we are concerned, there is no such thing as a Russian front; there is but one front, and that is an Allied front.

We are marching toward peace, and I should not be a member of the Provisional Government were it to disregard the will of the people as far as ending the war goes; but there are roads wide open and there are narrow, dark alleys, a stroll through which might cause one to lose both his life and honor. We want to hasten the end of this fratricidal war; but to this end we must march across the straight open road.

We are not an assembly of tired people; we are a nation. There are paths. They are long and complex. We are in need of an enormous amount of perseverance and calm. If we propose new war aims, then it behooves us to conduct ourselves so as to command the respect of both friend and foe. No one respects a weakling.

I regret that I did not die two months ago. I would have died then happy with the dream that a new life had been kindled in Russia; hopeful of a time when we could respect each other without resorting to the knout; hopeful that we could rule our Empire, but not as it was ruled by our former despots.

This is all, comrades, that I care to say. It is, of course, possible that I am mistaken. The diagnosis that I have made may turn out to be incorrect, but I

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think I am not so much in error as would appear to others. My diagnosis is: If we do not immediately realize the tragedy and hopelessness of the situation; if we do not concede that the immediate responsibility rests on all; if our political organism will not work as smoothly as a well-oiled mechanism, then all that we dreamed of, all to which we are striving, will be cast years back and possibly drowned in blood. I want to believe that we will find the solution for our problems, and that we will march forward along the bright and open road of democracy.

The moment has come when every one must search the depths of his conscience in order to realize whither he himself is going and whither he is leading those who, through the fault of the old government which held the people in darkness, regard every printed word as law. It is not difficult to play with this element, but the game is apt to be overplayed.

I came here because I believed in my right to tell the truth as I understand it. People who even under the old régime went about their work openly and without fear of death, those people, I say, will not be terrorized. The fate of our country is in our hands. The country is in great danger. We have sipped of the cup of liberty and we are somewhat intoxicated. But we are not in need of intoxication; we are in need of the greatest possible sobriety and discipline. We must enter history so that they may write on our graves: "They died, but they were never slaves."

AMERICA GREETS THE RUSSIAN REPUBLIC

WOODROW WILSON

WE are fighting for the liberty, the self-government, and the undictated development of all peoples, and every feature of the settlement that concludes this war must be conceived and executed for that purpose. Wrongs must first be righted and then adequate safeguards must be created to prevent their being committed again. We ought not to consider remedies merely because they have a pleasing and sonorous sound. Practical questions can be settled only by practical means. Phrases will not achieve the result. Effective readjustments will, and whatever readjustments are necessary must be made.

But they must follow a principle, and that principle is plain. No people must be forced under sovereignty under which it does not wish to live. No territory must change hands except for the purpose of securing those who inhabit it a fair chance of life and liberty. No indemnities must be insisted on except those that constitute payment for manifest wrongs done. No readjustments of power must be made except such as will tend to secure the future peace of the world and the future welfare and happiness of its peoples.

And then the free peoples of the world must draw together in some common covenant, some genuine and practical coöperation that will in effect combine their

Delivered by Ambassador Francis to the Russian Government at Petrograd, June 11, 1917.

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force to secure peace and justice in the dealings of nations with one another. The brotherhood of mankind must no longer be a fair but empty phrase; it must be given a structure of force and reality. The nations must realize their common life and effect a workable partnership to secure that life against the aggressions of autocratic and self-pleasing power.

For these things we can afford to pour out blood and treasure. For these are the things we have always professed to desire, and unless we pour out blood and treasure now and succeed, we may never be able to unite or show conquering force again in the great cause of human liberty. The day has come to conquer or submit. If the forces of autocracy can divide us, they will overcome us; if we stand together, victory is certain and the liberty which victory will secure. We can afford then to be generous, but we cannot afford then or now to be weak or to omit any single guaranty of justice and security.