THE VOICE OF AMERICAN LABOR

SAMUEL GOMPERS

THE gravest crisis in the world's history is now hanging in the balance and the course which Russia will pursue may have a determining influence whether democracy or autocracy shall prevail. That democracy and freedom will finally prevail there can be no doubt in the minds of men who know, but the cost, the time lost, and the sacrifices which would ensue from lack of united action may be appalling. It is to avoid this that I address you. In view of the grave crisis through which the Russian people are passing we assure you that you can rely absolutely upon the whole-hearted support and coöperation of the American people in the great war against our common enemy, kaiserism. In the fulfilment of that cause the American government has the support of ninety-nine per cent of the American people, including the working class of both the cities and of the agricultural sections.

In free America as in free Russia the agitators for a peace favorable to Prussian militarism have been allowed to express their opinions, so that conscious and unconscious tools of the kaiser appear more influential than they really are. You should realize the truth of the situation. There are but few in America willing to allow kaiserism and its allies to continue their rule over those

President Samuel Gompers of the American Federation of Labor sent this message by cable to the Executive Committee of the Russian Council of Workmen's and Soldiers' Deputies, May 6, 1917.

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non-German peoples who wish to be free from their domination. Should we not protest against the pro-kaiser Socialist interpretation of the demand for "no annexation," namely, that all oppressed non-German peoples shall be compelled to remain under the domination of Prussia and her lackeys, Austria and Turkey? Should we not rather accept the better interpretation that there must be no forcible annexations, but that every people must be free to choose any allegiance it desires, as demanded by the council of workmen's and soldiers' deputies?

Like yourselves, we are opposed to all punitive and improper indemnities. We denounce the onerous punitive indemnities already imposed by the kaiser upon the people of Servia, Belgium, and Poland.

America's workers share the view of the council of workmen's and soldiers' deputies, that the only way in which the German people can bring the war to an early end is by imitating the glorious example of the Russian people, compelling the abdication of the Hohenzollerns and the Hapsburgs and driving the tyrannous nobility, bureaucracy, and the military caste from power.

Let the German Socialists attend to this and cease their false pretenses and underground plotting to bring about an abortive peace in the interest of kaiserism and the ruling class. Let them cease calling pretended "international" conferences at the instigation or connivance of the kaiser. Let them cease their intrigues to cajole the Russian and American working people to interpret your demand "no annexation, no indemnities," in a way to leave undiminished the prestige and the power of the German military caste.

Now that Russian autocracy is overthrown, neither the American government nor the American people apprehend that the wisdom and experience of Russia in

the coming constitutional assembly will adopt any form of government other than the one best suited to her needs. We feel confident that no message, no individual emissary, and no commission has been sent or will be sent with authority to offer any advice whatever to Russia as to the conduct of her internal affairs. Any commission that may be sent will help Russia in any way that she desires to combat kaiserism, wherever it exists or may manifest itself.

Word has reached us that false reports of an American purpose and of American opinions contrary to the above statement have gained some circulation in Russia. We denounce these reports as the criminal work of desperate pro-kaiser propagandists circulated with the intent to deceive and to arouse hostile feelings between the two great democracies of the world. The Russian people should know that these activities are only additional manifestations of the "dark forces" with which Russia has been only too familiar in the unhappy past.

The American government, the American people, the American labor movement are whole-heartedly with the Russian workers, the Russian masses, in the great effort to maintain the freedom you have already achieved, and to solve the grave problems yet before you.

We earnestly appeal to you to make common cause with us to abolish all forms of autocracy and despotism, and to establish and maintain for generations yet unborn the priceless treasures of justice, freedom, democracy, and humanity.

A GRAVE SITUATION

AMBASSADOR BAKHMETIEFF

THE VICE PRESIDENT

SENATORS, the kaleidoscope of current history is being turned so rapidly that to the normal eye the combinations of yesterday are forgotten, of to-day are uncertain, and of to-morrow are unknown. And yet as from time to time there are unfolded in this most sacred and historic spot portions of the panorama of the greatest tragedy that has been enacted since Calvary there stands out one clear-cut central figure, the figure of the dauntless and undaunted man who dares to draw his sword either to preserve or to obtain for himself and for his fellows the right of self-government, the heritage of life, of liberty, and of the pursuit of happiness. It matters but little to us the feature and the form of that man, his lineage or his language, if he speak in the full and confident tones of a manhood, or in the lisping tongue of infantile possession of those rights. But if we hear from his lips the golden rule of statecraft, then he is our brother. He has a right to be, and he has a right to be here.

We are honored this day by the representatives of a people who have been our long-time and unvarying friends. It is not possible for me to think in the terms of

Spoken at the reception of the Russian Commission in the United States Senate, June 26, 1917. It was preceded by another of Mr. Marshall's graceful introductions.

countries and continents and governments. My mind thinks only in the terms of men; and perhaps this is as it should be, for the Goddess of Liberty is not always a strong and virile woman. In the hours of peace she becomes pale and anemic, and it is oftentimes necessary to keep her alive by transfusing into her veins the blood of patriotic and self-sacrificing men.

I cannot think of France, of England, of Italy, of America; I think only of Viviani and Joffre, of Balfour and Haig, of Udine and Cadorna, of Wilson and Pershing. On this day as I look into the eyes, the storm-tossed eyes, of these our guests, I cannot think of Russia as the land of Alexander and Nicholas. She seems to me to be only the home of Kropotkin and of Tolstoi.

Travelers tell us that there is a point in Iceland where the rays of the setting and of the rising sun mingle. Already upon the far-flung eastern battle line of Europe the rays of the setting sun of autocracy have mingled with the rays of the rising sun of democracy. May that sun grow in light and warmth, and may it be undimmed by the clouds of internal dissension. May democracy everywhere understand that its first duty is to make a democrat a free man everywhere on earth. (Applause.)

Last week we went with little Belgium sadly to her Gethsemane; to-day let us go gladly, with mighty Russia, to her Mount of Transfiguration. (Applause.)

I present to you the chairman of this commission, Mr. B. A. Bakhmetieff.

ADDRESS BY AMBASSADOR BAKHMETIEFF

Mr. President and gentlemen of the Senate, at the outset permit me to express to you sincere thanks and keen appreciation for the warm reception you have so gra