tion, and war, Denmark may plead that cause against Great Britain; and it is not improbable that the enmity of that justly incensed people may constitute the soul of the new alliance, and that the final result may convince the people of this country, that the conduct of ministers towards Denmark, was equally a violation of the principles of justice, and the principles of policy.

The farther plans of Napoleon will probably be developed at the meeting of the legislative body early in the ensuing month. The French Emperor will then doubtless give an account of his late campaign; and a more triumphant account than he can give has seldom been given by a sovereign to his people.

From France let us now turn to our own country. What an account, what a contrast to that of the French Emperor, will the sovereign of Great Britain have to render to his people on the assembling of the parliament on the 23d. of January ensuing! The campaign in Spain, and in Holland, were, as far as related to our offensive operations (all of which have proved equally calamitous and disgraceful) concluded two months since. Ever since that period our armies in both countries, have in general, been the inhabitants of hospitals, and although the havoc made by the sword has been great, that made by disease has been still greater. It has been currently reported that orders have been sent out for the return of the remainder of our forces from Walcheren: if they are permitted to remain there much longer, there is, it must be acknow. ledged, every probability of their retaining possession of the country -under ground!

As to our armies in Spain and Portugal, ministers, we believe are puzzled what to do. They are unwilling to resign every remaining hope of assisting our allies, as they are termed, to maintain a struggle against France for a few weeks longer; for that must form the extent of their expectations. Whether their calamitous and disgraceful campaign terminate this month or next is of little consequence; terminate it must as soon as Napoleon seriously turns his attention to the business. After the experience of the last campaign and the present, there is not, we should suppose, a man to be found in the whole kingdom, weak enough to imagine that it is possible for our army, were it indeed reinforced to its former strength, to be able to maintain a footing in either Spain or Portugal. The sooner, therefore, our remaining forces are ordered home the better!

The public have been somewhat amused by the visit of Tyrolese deputies, for the purpose of soliciting assistance from this country to enable them to throw off the government of the King of Bavaria, and to set up for independency. The love of genuine freedom, and national independence, should be encouraged in every rational

way; but we cannot help suspecting the motives of the parties on the present occasion. A statement has been published in the name of the deputies, which, however, there is good reason to believe is not of Tyrolean manufactory. We do not find in this statement any wish expressed for a free constitution founded on the genuine principles of liberty, the RIGHTS OF MAN, but a number of complaints of grievances inflicted by the Bavarian government, some of which we should be rather inclined to place in the list of benefits: such as alienating ecclesiastical public property for the service of the state, and abolishing prelacies and convents! The disposal of the ancient castle of the Courts of the Tyrol is stated as the principal grievance !* Notwithstanding the almost boundless liberality of this country towards any state or people, who, under almost any pretence, may want either men or money, we imagine, that even our ministers have such a portion of common sense remaining, that they will not venture in the present instance to squander the national resources. The Tyrolean deputies are, however, we believe, the only allies now left to this country!

CABINET ARRANGEMENTS.

The time and attention of our ministers for these two months past, have been employed-not in the equipment of fleets and armies, nor in the pursuit of conquests. No! Although the war has cost the nation during this short period ten millions sterling, the expence, with the privations in consequence to which the great majority of the nation are compelled to submit, constitute our principal sufferings. At no period during the wars of the present reign have we shed less blood. Neither have ministers been employed in seeking peace, or in endeavouring to open negociations with our foreign enemies: they have had their most serious attention turned to matters which interest them more powerfully-their own disputes! After a little fighting, and a few resignations, the remaining meinbers of the cabinet have been actively employed in negociations for the purpose of rendering as fixed and secure as possible, their own places and emoluments. The overtures made to Lord Grenville and

* Amongst other most terrible enormities stated to be committed by the French are the following:-"The pregnant women were even ript up and their breasts cut off, while their embryos were crammed down their throats to put an end to the shrieks and moanings of the wretched victims."-That women should be able to “moan and shriek" after their bodies were gutted is indeed wonderful: and the tale well deserves to be ranked with that of the man who, to escape his murderous foe, jumped down his own throat; or with that of the renowned St. Patrick, who, as his countrymen inform us, after he was beheaded, swam over the Liffey with his head under his arm!

Lord Grey to assist in forming such a combined administration as should include those who were already in place, having been rejected by the noble lords, various other negociations have been attempted; several, have been unsuccessful, and in certain instances noble lords and honourable gentlemen have been nominated to place without their knowledge; and who on receiving the notification rejected it, not without manifest tokens of disapprobation, if not of contempt. Success, however, has so far attended different negociations, that if ministers have not procured colleagues exactly to their mind, they have found such as may answer their purpose. Lord Palmerstone, and, the hon. Mr. Ryder, whom no one knows any thing more of than that the former has lived a gentleman's life at college, which is deemed a sufficient qualification for a secretary at war; and that the latter is a younger brother of Lord Harrowby, who was introduced into public life by Mr. Pitt, under whose guidance and direction he continued, during the life of the minister; and adopting his principles, has contrived to keep in one official station or other ever since. Lord Bathurst has been gazetted as another secretary of state; but this is generally understood to have been only pro tempore, and until an answer could be received from a statesman one of the most famous of the Pitt school,-Marquis Wellesley, whose mild and just administration in India had rendered him such a favourite with our governors, that they fixed upon him as an ambassador to the "universal Spanish nation," trusting, that the marquis would be as successful in negociation, and in inspiring the Spanish junta with wisdom, and the whole people with vigour, as his brother in driving the French armies before him, and speedily expelling them the country! Which of the brothers have been most successful, or to speak plainly, the greatest blunderer, we leave others to determine. At present we can only express our

- admiration of the ambassador. At his entrance into Cadiz, he at a public entertainment displayed his prowess by trampling on the French colours, an omen, (no doubt it was so understood) of his future triumphs in the cabinet over French councils, and of his brother's triumphs in the field over French armies. But our ministers having a strong inclination to reap the benefit of his counsels, thought proper to send for him in the midst of his glory, just as he had. drank the health of the Pope of Rome and success to his endeavours to regain his power temporal and spiritual! The marquis it appears, has condescended to accept their invitation, and he is accordingly to succeed Lord Bathurst. Were not his services essentially necessary to ministers, what a pity he left Spain before he had restored Ferdinand to the throne, and his holiness to the see of Rome!

But the appointment of such a man as Marquis Wellesley demands reflections of a serious strain, In our last we stated our apprehensions of the appointment to a seat in the cabinet, of a statesman whose despotic principles had been so fully displayed in the government of India. We without hesitation affirm, that the man' who could annihilate the freedom of the press, throughout a large portion of his Majesty's dominions, must be a decided friend to despotism, and of course a decided enemy to freedom, and the constitutional rights of Britons.*

Amidst these negociations and intrigues for office, it is somewhat amusing to notice the observations of the principal party prints on both sides. The editor of the Morning Post, as we remarked in a former number, as soon as he found that Mr. Perceval had written to Lords Grenville and Grey inviting them to office, apprehending they might accept the invitation, suddenly dropped his abuse, and professed his veneration for their characters: but when their rejection of the invitation became public, and there was no prospect of its being renewed, they immediately returned to their former strain, and rejoiced that the cabinet had escaped the danger of pollution by the evil counsels of the noble lords. The editor of the Morning Chronicle, disappointed and indignant, that his noble patrons" to whom the attention of the "whole nation was turned as to a dernier resort," exerted all his powers in exposing the incapacity, and the blunders of the present ministers, and perpetually enforced the necessity of a change

* In the code of the Marquis for regulating the press, every vestige of freedom of discussion was annihilated. Amongst other regulations were the following." No paper shall be published until it shall have been "previously inspected by the secretary to the government, or by a person authorised by him for that purpose.-The penalty for offending any of "the regulations to be immediate embarkation for Europe."

The following were some of the rules for the guidance of the secretary to the government in revising the newspapers.

"To prevent the publication of-1. All observations on the state of "public credit, or the revenues or finances of the company.-2. All observations respecting any naval 'or military operations whatever,-3d. All intelligence respecting the destination of any ships, or the expectation of any, whether belonging to the company or to individuals.-4. All observa"tions with respect to the conduct of government, or any of its officers "civil or military, marine, commercial or judicial !—6. All statements "with regard to the probability of war or peace, between the company, "and any of the native powers.-8. The republication of such passages "from the European newspapers as may tend to affect the influence and "credit of the British power with the native states."

M

*Pol. Rev. Vol. I, P. 55.

VOL. VI.

of councils. It will be readily acknowledged that the writer had plenty of evidence to enforce his observations.

His hostile brother editor was, however, by no means discouraged, and in answer to the high flown panegyrics bestowed on the two noble lords, threw down the gauntlet, and challenged the panegyrist to produce to the public, proofs of their great supe. riority of talents whilst they were in office, and of the public benefits derived from their administration. This challenge the editor of the Morning Chronicle, conscious that he was unable to answer, it satisfactorily, thought it the best way to evade entirely he declined stating even the few laudable measures of the Grenville administration, which ought ever to be recollected to their honour, their abolition of the slave trade, and their unsuc cessful attempt to enlarge the boundaries of religious liberty. Suspecting that their conduct of the war, their negociations for peace, and their management of the finances, would not afford any remarkable display of the superior talents, the subject of his boast, he contented himself with general hints of the great benefits his favourite administration intended to bestow. The Morning Post editor sensible of the advantageous ground he had chosen, repeats his challenge, and demands-Not, what "the "Grenville administration, might, would, could or should have "done," but what they really did." But no provocation can in, duce the Morning Chronicle editor to reply to this home question. Both champions, however, have been engaged in exposing the blunders of their opposite administrations; but whilst thus engaged in the tug of war," another champion, who has occasionally enlisted on different sides, but who has for some time past proved a powerful ally on the side of the people, comes in between them, and adopting, and amplifying the general ideas we have so frequently, and more particularly in our last Review, enforced on our readers, respecting the absolute necessity of a change of SYSTEM, without which a change of men would be of no avail, puts a string of galling questions to the editor of the Chronicle respecting the conduct of his party, principally on the subjects of a reform of parliament, and a diminution of the public burthens, to which he demands a positive answer. He puts "these, questions as "directly as possible to the editor of the Chronicle, Mr. PERRY, "as he may know the intentions of his party." To this challenge of Mr. Cobbett, we have had something of a reply, but Oh! what a miserable reply! So far from any hope being given us of any effectual reform in our national expenditure, or the abolition of useless places or sinecures, we are informed, that although the opposition are friends to economy, yet "the diminution of our burthens "must be the slow consequences of a change of system, not the forerunner of it, and though the administration might end in