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EIGHTH SERIES
VOL. VIII

} No. 3827 November 10, 1917 {FROM BEGINNING

CONTENTS

I. Humanity and Russia. By Lancelot Lawton FORTNIGHTLY REVIEW 323 II. Spain in the World's Debate. By A. F. Bell CONTEMPORARY REVIEW 335 III. Christina's Son. Book VI. Chapters I

and II. By W. M. Letts. (To be concluded) IV. With the Armored Cars in Galicia

V.

340

BLACKWOOD'S MAGAZINE 348

The Great Problem of India-Will "Home
Rule" Solve It? By Mr. Pramatha
Nath Bose

VI. Quand Meme. By B. Paul Neuman
VII. Who's Who at the Irish Convention

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HUMANITY AND RUSSIA.

The

We English people have never understood the Russian people, and we are indeed farther from understanding them now than ever we were. Hence it is not the least surprising that nowhere is the true character and significance of the revolution appreciated in this country. The problem here suggested is not one of nationality, such as usually separates two countries-that is to say, it is not a question of different temperaments, different customs, or even different faiths. It is far broader, far deeper, than all these things. But before asking ourselves what it is in Russia that is so inaccessible to our comprehension, let us inquire whether or no the Russians are similarly situated in regard to ourselves? answer is positive. No, they are not. Emphatically, I say, that most Russians do understand England. Perhaps it is not quite correct to speak of England in this way when I really mean most Russians understand the West, in which, of course, they include England. Here one ventures upon delicate ground. Immediately the objection will be raised that the nations of the West cannot be lumped together in this arbitrary fashion. The West, it will be said, far from being governed by one system, contains many systems, and, moreover, violently conflicting systems, as this war has abundantly demonstrated. Why, it will be urged, even the Russians have admitted as much by allying themselves with the English or democratic system as against the Prussian or autocratic system. Such an argument is, on the surface, unanswerable, but only on the surface. It follows that the contradiction which it opposes to the statement I made at the beginning of this article is apparent, not real, as I will show later. But meanwhile let us

bear in mind that the fundamental character of Russian life and progress is seen by the Russians themselves to be quite distinctive from that of any other nationality, and that they sincerely believe that all the other countries of Europe embrace systems that in essence have so much in common as to be indistinguishable. They claim and the facts of their history fully support this claim-that they have developed as a people along lines entirely different from those which have marked the trend of European movement.

Clearly, if we are to understand the true spirit of Russia in the light of which we can alone appreciate the true meaning of her revolution, it is imperative that we pay great attention to this Russian point of view. If we had merely to deal with another outburst of nationality, another ebullition of patriotism, another Kultur forced upon a Kultur-ridden world, another pan-something, at least we could recognize an artificial movement, and, knowing its dimensions, would perhaps be able to relegate it to its proper place. But, in truth, we are faced with more than this. We are faced with a great idea which strikes not merely at the root of narrow national complexities, but indeed at humanity's whole problem. Yes, it is nothing less than this that we are required to understand if we are to learn the true significance of Russia's place in history. Russia, then, becomes the mirror of humanity, and through this mirror we are called upon to take a truly exalted glimpse of the world's situation at present. If we essay to do this, consider what is required of us— not merely that we cleanse our minds in the ordinary sense, but that we conduct a veritable hygiene of the

spirit, so as to free it from all stains of prejudice and traces of arrogant pride. But, frankly, let us ask ourselves, do we possess the will to accomplish so grand a preparation? Are we as yet honest and meek enough to perform so thorough an act of renunciation? I fear that the answer must be that we are demanding too much of ourselves. We are still in a torpor of self-complacency, deluding ourselves that we are the freest people on the earth, because of those political superstitions to which we cling as does a drowning man to a straw, while all the time it is only too plainly and pathetically evident that we are the slaves of material conditions, and as yet not even dimly conscious of the one and only form of true libertyliberty of the spirit. If we cannot understand ourselves, then how are we to understand the Russians and their revolution?

Surely, I can hear it said, we, who pride ourselves on the breadth of our sympathy for other nationalities, if we do not understand the Russian people now, at least in time will be capable of doing so. But I have not much hope. An English statesman, for example, remarked the other day that it did not matter in the least that customs were different so long as great principles were identical, and he was alluding at the time to the relations between England and Russia. But the question cannot be disposed of in so simple a manner, and a statement of this kind has concealed within it the germ of the whole problem of humanity. It is not alone the British and Russian peoples who share identical ideals. What they profess is pretty much the aim of every nationality the world over; it is at once the creed of every religion no less than of every political and philosophic system, and, as such, is as much the license and justification for the most outrageous

tyranny as it is the inspiring cause of an infinite amount of benevolence and righteous doing. This common ideal, simply stated, is the attainment of happiness for the greatest number of people, the cause of humanity as it is known. Where fatal disharmony arises is in regard to the truly terrible misconceptions prevalent as to what in detail constitutes the happiness of humanity, and the methods to be pursued to promote this great ideal. But concerning the end in view, I repeat, there is no disagreement; it is to bring about that revolution of revolutions, that miracle of miracles, the brotherhood of all mankind, the dimly glimmering prospect of which has alone held out to humanity that meager measure of hope without which it could not have survived. If we are to understand Russia we must first realize that she is nearer, far nearer, to this ideal than are we people of the West.

And this ideal, let us insist again and again, is the ideal of the whole of humanity-it is our ideal, at least our professed ideal, as well as that of the Russians. Furthermore, if we are to understand Russia, we must realize that, remote though the prospect may be even for her, she with her beliefs may have some slender hope of progressing towards the ideal, but we with our beliefs can have none. It is quite true that some of our old fantastic notions concerning the Russian people have been corrected. We know now, what it is extremely useful for us to know, that far from being the halfbarbarians of our distorted fancy, they are in reality loving, kind-hearted people, overflowing with generous and forgiving instincts. But the contrast between this and our former opinion of them has been so violent that as yet, I fear, we have hardly been able to recover a mental equilibrium such as would enable us to draw wise

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