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DEC 24 1977

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Entered as Second Class Mail Matter at Boston, Mass.

When you finish reading this magazine, place a one-cent stamp on th notice, hand same to any postal employee, and it will be placed in t sailors at the front. No Wrapping-No Address. A. S. Burleson, Postmaster-Gener

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EIGHTH SERIES
VOL. VIII

} No. 3833 December 22, 1917 {FROM BEGINNING

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ADVANCE AMERICA!*

"Some time in the dim future it may be that all the English-speaking peoples will be able to unite in some kind of confederacy."-Theodore Roosevelt, 1896. "If there is to be in the coming century a great battle of Armageddon, once more in Europe against the Huns, we can no more help taking our part with the hosts of freedom than we can help educating our children, building our churches or maintaining the rights of the individual.” -Prof. A. B. Hart, 1901.

"To advocate international laissez-faire now is to speak a counsel of despair."Walter Lippmann, 1914.

"No nation can any longer remain neutral as against any wilful disturbance of the peace of the world."-Woodrow Wilson, 1916.

To many, and to her own self, the United States is a great and portentous problem. This was so especially during the first two years of war, when admitted guides disputed whether she was pro-German or pro-Ally, and the only destiny that a majority of her children could agree upon was that she had no destiny. The Monroe doctrine was strained in order to convey to outsiders that America was the outside of the world, that the hemisphere was hermetical, and that the great unworried, unwearied, unwarrior continent must fulfil her manifest or hidden destiny, unentangled by Europe.

This was described as pro-Americanism. And yet this Americanism, which passionately demanded moral

*History of the American People, by Woodrow Wilson; The United States as a World Power, by Archibald Cary Coolidge; A Century of American Diplomacy, by John W. Foster; America's New Possessions, by Murat Halstead; The Stakes

Lippmann; Drifts of Diplomacy, by Walter Mastery, by Walter Lippmann; The English-speaking Peoples, by George Louis Beer; American History told by Contemporaries, by Albert Bushnell Hart; American Ideals, by Theodore Roosevelt; of Life John Hay, by William Roscoe Thayer.

and industrial neutrality, was not the original Americanism which in a century had multiplied its acreage by ten, which had never hesitated to penetrate by force into territory possessed by red or white men, and which in its imperial revival during the Spanish War was to conquer islands outside the scope of President Monroe. America's expansion can be traced from the day she cut adrift from Westminster to the day when she sent her legions into Europe. No sooner were the revolting Colonies free from European imperialism than they set about an American variant. They obeyed the white instinct and pushed in every direction, conquering and to conquer. Repelled from Lower Canada, they acquired Indiana and Mississippi. Most important, they purchased Louisiana from Napoleon. The diplomacy was odd. Jefferson, much as he hated England, saw that the United States must buy her backdoor, New Orleans, or "marry ourselves to the British fleet and nation." Napoleon, to prevent anything falling to England, pressed the whole province on the Americans. The effect was amazing. It led directly to the plucking of the ripe Floridas from the rotting trunk of Spain, to the annexation of the Texan Republic, and to the subsequent winning of the West. "It fixed our destiny as a great world power, the effects of which we are today just beginning to realize," wrote John Foster in 1900.

The great annexations were made in obedience to the law that the United States could not be hemmed in from her natural outlets. "We do not need Quebec while we have New York" (Hart). The United States was organic not static, though her organism was not sound until she swept away

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