Their general color is rich glossy brown, a deep bay. On the breast there is “a marking of a blackish color, and of the shape of The business of raising poultry, in this a horse-shoe." The comb is of moderate size, country, is left almost entirely to chance. serrated, and the wattles are double. The There can be no doubt that if the same at-wing is strikingly peculiar; it is jointed," so tention was paid to it that is bestowed upon the raising of sheep, hogs, and cattle, the trade would be increased tenfold.

economy and government, (if, in their still crude and imperfect state, the term science be strictly applicable to either,) it may be said generally, the aim of the one is to direct the action and control the excesses of the other, in all those points in which the public wealth is involved. This, though it be far from the whole mission of political economy, is yet the most important part of that mis sion.

The public wealth is an essential element of that public welfare, with which all governments are charged. It comprises every thing which relates to the physical well-being of a people; and as this physical well-being is at the bottom of all social and moral progress— all advances in letters, arts, sciences and civil ization-the promotion of public wealth may, indeed, in a liberal and enlarged sense, be considered the whole duty of government. Political economy comes, then, to be considered coextensive with legislation, and sound law is necessarily based upon its principles.

object of the most crushing tyranny the world ever knew.

History is not, indeed, without instances, in all ages, where such systematic warfare ap pears to have been waged against industry and enterprise, by even the best class of gov ernments. A careful examination of the exist ing powers of the world would, perhaps, present us many such instances of warfare, more or less considerable, notwithstanding all the progress which has been made in civil liberty, science and civilization. Radical differences in the principles and forms of government will not explain these phenomena: they are wholly independent of them. To conceive a republíc more unfavorable to enterprise even than a despotism is not difficult, since, if forms of government be much, they are not every thing. Though we may not admit the best adminis tered government is best, merely theoretic perfection should have no favor.

To a misapprehension of the true purposes of government, and of the mode of promoting the real welfare of the state, may be traced the greater portion of the evils which society has suffered. Men have not known the truth or the whole truth. They have legislated without light, blundering on from age to agethe precedent of the sires being sufficient for the sons. Nothing so absurd as not to have had an advocate. The more conscientious, the more dangerous and inveterate the error!

If political economy, like some of the exact sciences, had attained perfection, which is far from being the case in its present stage of infancy, and all its rules and principles were susceptible of demonstration, we should have no more of that multiplicity of legislation, which results from the continued enaction and repeal of laws, unless, as is too apt to be the case, governments should be administered by the ignorant, and statesmen, miscalled, prefer The most difficult and perplexing of all to pander to popular prejudices or court its sciences is, without doubt, that of govern acclamations, than carry out the great prin- ment. It requires almost prescience, in many ciples which are founded in truth and reason. cases, to see the bearing and results of poThat this last supposition is not improbable, litical measures; in all cases it requires more may be inferred from what is every day seen, than ordinary apprehension. We are told even in the most enlightened governments: that the Romans had laws teaching how to for it will not surely be denied, that there are make laws; but this could not have applied some, and we believe a great many, settled to other than the mere forms. The acquaintprinciples in political economy, as demon- ance and study of facts and results, as they strable as any moral truths can be, of which are worked out in the movements and ma ignorance is frequently betrayed in high quar-chinery of society, from the masses up; unters, and which are openly violated under one der all circumstances, most propitious or adpretext or another, or with seeming unconsciousness,

verse; in all times, in all countries, are more indispensable conditions of the states man, than all the logic and metaphysics of the schools, all the philosophy of the closet.

That the law-givers, or law-makers of the world, whether by the divine right which made kings and despots, or the diviner right Experience, which is so excellent a teachof representatives of the people, have in real- er in regard to almost every thing in which ity, and in most instances, acted from the best we are interested, gives not so clear and unknowledge within their reach, with sincerity mistakable a light in this particular. There and with honest intentions toward those whom are so many counteracting influences and they were called upon to govern, need not for causes at work, so many undefined operaour purposes be denied. No sufficient reason tions in society, that it is not singular the for an opposite course can be alleged. Even real sources of evil are so often overlooked the most base and heartless tyrant could not and the wrong ones imputed. The results but perceive, unless blinded by the worst mad- sometimes are very distant. The hand ness, that his own state and splendor is in which strikes the blow, the blow itself, may some degree dependent upon the extent and be secret, and yet the mischief be as sure prosperity of his realm and his subjects. A and as irreparable. This is akin to what systematic warfare against all industry, enter- Bishop Butler remarks of the moral govern prise and progress, was never, perhaps, the ment of the world: the punishment of an

invasion of a law of nature follows not always so immediate as to be traced to that invasion.*

held, are sure to break the web-the weaker only struggle in its folds.

If

In the promotion of public wealth or the The study of the true sources of national public welfare, all that in reality is required prosperity is almost altogether of modern from government, is such a system of legisdate. It is later even by far than the phi-lation as will effectually protect the citizens losophical and metaphysical regeneration ef- from wrongs and outrages upon their persons fected by Bacon and Locke. A century has or property, abroad or at home. The connot passed since the first impulse was given servation of life, liberty and property is evto these investigations, by the publication of ery thing. We say conservation, which supa work which has deservedly immortalized poses the citizen first to be in possession. the name of Adam Smith. Government has nothing to give. Every act Without defining what is called political of giving, on its part, is a mere act of transeconomy, or entering into any disquisitions fer from one to another, leading often to parupon it, this may be said without controver- tiality, always to injustice. The subjects of sy: that, in addressing its teachings to the a government are all upon an equal footing, rulers and legislators of the world, what a condition at war with the idea that special they ought not to do is a far more important benefits may be conferred upon any. lesson, than what they ought. The "mas- government cannot give, it cannot take away, terly inactivity," proclaimed by one of our except for offenses which are previously destatesmen, is a safer general rule than con- termined. stant intervention. There is never any dan-] ger that legislators will not do enough in the enactment of every character of laws, and concerning every character of subject. Their vanity of place, the importance which they fancy belongs to a law-giver, whatever the length of his ears, are motives strong enough for this. Perhaps, in the very worst governed society upon earth, there are good laws enough in force to insure the highest degree of liberty and prosperity, were they not clog ged by others that are absurd and inimical! A repeal of all these worst laws, however numerous, would not necessarily call for the enactment of better ones in their place. Enough of such laws may already exist.

"Thou shalt not," then, is a far more frequent and useful injunction, in the decalogue of political science, than "thou shalt ;" and in teaching the people, the governed, (if they can be supposed to require instruction in what is for their best interests and permanent welfare, in all their various avocations of life, as they certainly may be,) a field is opened which exhausts the whole subject of political economy.

Ignorant, indolent or bad men, will always be clamorous for support from the public crib, since it is congenial to them that others should be taxed for their support. There are more paupers in every country than can be found upon the poor list or in the workhouses. Were the truth known, the latter class might be found far less detrimental to public prosperity, though both equally prey upon their fellows. These reap where they have not sown. Like Ishmael of old, their hands are turned against all men-and would to God the hands of all men were turned against them!

Were not Hercules's stout shoulders near at hand, it would be seen how well at a pinch the wagoner could help himself. Men never mistake, in private affairs, very widely, or for any time, their true interests, if left to themselves. They may safely be intrusted with their own affairs. In the conflict of various and opposing interests, they become acute enough. A perfect immunity to act as it best pleases them in all matters, so that wrong be not done to others or to the community, is the golden rule of liberty as of economy!

That that is "the best government which But then, as in physic, from ignorance of governs least," and they the happiest peo- the nature of the malady which afflicts him, ple who have delegated the fewest powers the patient will never think himself likely to to be exercised by others, may in general do well, unless learned prescriptions are adterms be affirmed. To say that the world ministered. The doctor finds it to his policy has been too much governed, is to say that to gratify the caprice by applications which it has been badly governed-since each ad- are innocent of all effect. In this, he is more ditional restraint, beyond what is absolutely likely to succeed than the political charlatan necessary, constitutes an additional link in in the same circumstances, who has not at the chain of oppression. Simplicity and hand so many innocent appliances; yet, someprecision are the perfection of all laws. thing he must do, and that speedily. In the Call it democracy or despotism, that govern- revolutions of fortune's wheel, thousands and ment is a tyranny which delights in weaving thousands are at the bottom. They have the legislative web to entangle its subjects. The most powerful, as the Greek philosopher

*See the "Analogy."

Mr. Hume says, "The whole paraphernalia of commons, lords, army, navy, judges, king, is for the just end of bringing twelve honest men into the jury box."

been left there by their indolence, by their
profligacy, by their vices, or, it may be, by
inexplicable fate; no matter, they are there.
The more successful come soon to be regarded
with envy and with hatred. Even virtuous
success gives no pleasure, and is a standing
reproach to adversity. Shall we wonder that
these tens of thousands raise the cry of op-
pression, that they have hearers ever ready
to make capital in their advocacy, and that
wise and prudent men find it necessary to
make some show of assistance, when they
often know such assistance, in reality, to be
out of their power? Whosoever, says an old
philosopher, goeth about to persuade men
they are not so well governed as they might
be, will not want for ready and attentive
listeners. It is easier to attribute the misery
which is suffered to the government than to
the fault of the sufferers, though government,
in truth, have nothing to do with it. It is
much more convenient to look for relief from
this quarter than from the man's own exer-
tions. Hence is it, there must be a law of
some sort or another-and a new law is there-
upon made.
Most of the agrarianism and
socialism and Fourierism of the world has its
origin in this discontent with the natural state
of things. It is more complimentary to our
pride to be governed by our own laws and
systems, than by those which are merely of
nature.

the world could not prevent these distinctions. The worst government only would attempt it-for, in the effort, how much injustice and wrong must be done to those who, to say the least of it, have as much right to their pos sessions, however earned, as you have to take them away. The remedy is within yourself. It is for you to apply it. Be industrious, be frugal, be circumspect; if these remove not the evil, you have a claim upon the bennolence, not the justice, of your fellows Sue, but not demand. If this benevolence fail, you are simply another victim of that inexplicable, yet, as we ought to believe, wise Providence, which strikes down without reason or explanation, and teaches the utter nothingness of man by her frequent indifference to his fate.

The

Nor let us be charged with indifference to the miseries of poverty and destitution, which in all countries afflict society, though in different degrees. The poor must be fed, the miserable must be relieved, or humanity ceases to perform her noble mission. Send them not to government-call not for poor-laws and public workhouses. We are willing to leave man in the hands of his fellow-man. Samaritan will pass by. The fallen brother will be taken to the bosom. Oh, we have faith in humanity: it is a gentle, sylvan stream, wich flows undeviating in its course, refresh ing the thorniest places. It has a universal language. "I am a man," is an appeal which It is natural, and, if natural, proper is heard in the deserts of Africa, in the wilds though we may not see the reason that of Siberia, and respected. Man ceases to be poverty, and want, and disease, and misery the enemy to his fellow-man, when that felshould be the next-door neighbor of wealth low has fallen. “Noble spirits war not with and unbounded prosperity. The towers of the dead." Private charity can relieve all the palace cast their shadows down upon the the sufferings that public charity can, and roofless hovel, as naturally as the mountains more. Its operations are more effectual, for do upon the neighboring hills. Yet that they are nearer the subject, and, when properly nobleman has not oppressed that beggar. He organized, are more discriminating-securing may, indeed, be liberal, and generous, and higher comfort at the same cost, with enhanced just, and mourn over the misery all the satisfaction to the donors, and less of that wealth in the world could not relieve. Nor is shame which is inseparable from a sense of the beggar a victim of society and its laws. dependence. A proud spirit might die, rather Without that society, or those laws, he had than take to the public workhouse, though not existed--he could not exist with the same well administered relief from friends would security-his fathers before him had not pros- not be refused. A base spirit could not so pered, (for generations of misery in the same well deceive individuals as the public, in rehousehold is scarcely a supposable case,) and gard to alleged wants and sufferings. Leave his children would have no hope. Exclaim these things to society, and they will be against Nature, that she has sent you in the attended. We shall have benevolent associa world half finished, maimed, diseased, imbe- tions multiplying, kindness and generosity cile, an idiot-that you were born under the promoted, as well as enterprise and industry. frozen serpent of the North, and must struggle In regard to these associations, how immensely against tumbling icebergs, or in the death superior is the present to any subsequent dealing breath of torrid suns: but limit not period. Scarcely a man but what is connected your complaints to these. In evincing her with some of them, and contributes to their partiality in these respects, has she proclaimed support. Under whatever name they appear, an impartiality in every other? Is it not they are all noble, and proclain the great law equally an outrage upon your rights, your of sympathy which pervades the universe. equality, that your neighbor is taller, or When government comes to be a benefactor, stouter, better favored, more intellectual-or that he has broader acres, greater possessions and more comforts? All the governments in

See the admirable satire in Juvenal, upon man's complaints about fortune--the sixth, we believe.

it is too often a robber-dispensing in charity, and for the relief of conscience, its ill-gotten gains.

famines; and nothing more clearly demonstrates the inutility of such legislation, to say the least of it, than this, that the very opposite Having thus taken the extreme case, in courses have been adopted or advocated, at which, if any, government might be held bound different times, to secure the same ends. It to legislate for the benefit of particular classes, has been even thought, that the product of and proved, that not only does no such power bread might be stimulated by bounties, as exist, but that its exercise, if existing, would though the appetite and natural wants of man be impolitic, less effectual, more costly, than were not sufficient stimulus for every purindividuals and society left to themselves pose. An artificial or legal bounty presup would find it, little difficulty can be found in poses that there is no natural one, and, all those other cases, and they are innu- consequently, no existing want. A natural merable, where men are clamorous to have bounty is that reward which a producer their peculiar conditions benefited by special receives for the labor expended upon a comlaws, their wealth increased, or their plans and enterprises promoted.

And, to say the truth, these latter calls, time immemorial, have been more frequent than the former, and, from their nature and the character of the persons making them, more likely to be heard. The agriculturist, the manufacturer, the merchant, have left their farms, their work-shops and their counting houses, and essayed the far readier mode of acquiring wealth to be had from Westminster Hall or on the floors of Congress. We shall take occasion to enumerate some of their labors and the results, in a general sketch of the interference of governments with industry, in all countries, from the earliest times to the present. From these, more instruction can be derived than from any philosophical disquisition. We shall then see the true secret of national wealth and prosperity, and in what it consists.

modity in demand. If no such sufficient bounty be afforded, there is, really, no sufficient demand; and in this case the commodity ought not to be produced. The farmers, too, are frequently admonished of the value and importance of the home market for their grains, as if there were, in reality, any other market. Every bushel of wheat or potatoes, every blade of corn, rye or rice, made in America, or in any other country, excepting, perhaps, Ireland, is consumed in it. Not in bread and puddings, altogether, yet certainly for the most part-but in cottons, broadcloths, silks or wines, or whatever else it is converted into. Though a peck of corn satisfy my natural wants for a week, yet, in one sense, I consume a bushel or more daily. It appears in my coat, my hat and my boots, for which it has been exchanged. Or, if it be said, our pregnant grain crops are not consumed at home-pray, tell us where they are consumed? Agriculture being prior, in time, to the Do we toil that others may reap the harvest, other arts and pursuits, and, as it were, the and become the hewers of wood and drawers mother of them all, we naturally begin with of water for the world at large? Far otherit. Always held in honor, it has been self-wise the Yankee character. What our fields sustaining, and, with unimportant exceptions, self reliant. The tillers of the earth have been content with the bread it yielded to honest toil. Monsieur Quesnai, in the reign of Louis XIV., did, indeed, attempt to teach them that they,of all men, deserved the special favor of government, in that they were the only real producers of wealth. An exemption from taxation was naturally one of these favors; and, with such a theory, it was not hard to make the farmers the pet children of legislation. The splendid fallacy of this great Frenchman exercised for some time a high and controlling influence, as may be marked in many of the events which followed, and which has not yet, perhaps, been entirely dissipated. The famous corn-law controversies, which agitated Great Britain for the last century, is a result of the favor claimed for the agriculturist. To multiply bread, the nation has, at one time, forbidden its expor tation, and at another, its importation-undoing in one reign or parliament the work of another, and vacillating between both extremes. They have not legislated the nation, however, out of famines, or the chance of

produce, we enjoy and sometimes a little more, by running in debt to foreigners.

But, to do the agriculturists justice, they have not been very noisy applicants for government patronage, in comparison with others; since, as Adam Smith remarks, farmers and country gentlemen, dispersed in different parts of the country, cannot so easily combine as merchants and manufacturers, who, being collected in towns, and accustomed to that exclusive corporation spirit which prevails in them, naturally endeavor to obtain, against all their countrymen, the same exclusive privilege which they generally possess against the inhabitants of their respective towns.*

The question of manufactures, as another great branch of industry in flourishing nations, presents itself next. Capitalists have, in almost

* The Louisiana planters have received small share of government favor. The cotton lords and iron lords of the north have no objection to any amount of aid; but then, when you come to sugar, why, they tell you, "that is one of the necessaries

of life-you must not tax that; no, nor tea either, nor coffee."